The Congressional Record is a unique source of public documentation. It started in 1873, documenting nearly all the major and minor policies being discussed and debated.
“STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS” mentioning the Department of Interior was published in the Senate section on pages S3157-S3160 on March 28, 1996.
The publication is reproduced in full below:
STATEMENTS ON INTRODUCED BILLS AND JOINT RESOLUTIONS
By Mr. KERREY (for himself, Mr. Dole, Mr. Exon, and Mrs.
Kassebaum):
S. 1649. A bill to extend contracts between the Bureau of Reclamation and irrigation districts in Kansas and Nebraska, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources.
the irrigation project contract extension act of 1996
Mr. KERREY. Mr. President, I introduce legislation to extend the water service contracts for irrigation projects in Nebraska and Kansas.
Mr. President, a little over 50 years ago, Congress authorized construction of a set of water management projects as a part of the Flood Control Act of 1944. These projects were designed to provide control, conservation, and use of water resources throughout the Missouri River basin. Known as the Pick-Sloan Missouri Basin Program, the system has provided flood control, power generation and irrigation to over 3.7 million acres, as well as stream pollution abatement, sediment control, water supplies for cities and industry, enhancement of fish and wildlife, and recreation opportunities.
Each of the projects had 40-year water service contracts for irrigation with the Bureau of Reclamation, in the Department of the Interior. These contracts are beginning to expire. In fact, three of those 40-year contracts will expire on December 31 of this year. Though the procedures for contract renewal were not spelled out, it is clear that contract renewal was considered when the original agreements were made. It is also clear that an immediate extension of the service contracts is necessary. Extending these contracts will give the Bureau of Reclamation the necessary time to complete the contract renewal process as well as provide us time to collect input to fully evaluate our options and maximize the benefits of the best option.
The legislation I introduce today is straight-forward and simple: It would extend each of 10 water service contracts upon expiration for a period of 4 years. The terms of each contract would be the same as those originally negotiated.
I am glad to be able to say that this legislation has the full and bipartisan support of each Senator from both of the affected States, Nebraska and Kansas. It has been a real pleasure to work with each of my cosponsors on an issue where we found such clear and easy agreement, both about what needed to be done and how to get there. So, on behalf of myself, the majority leader, Bob Dole, my friend and fellow Nebraskan Jim Exon, Nancy Kassebaum, and the thousands of Nebraskans, Kansans, and visitors who benefit from these projects, I introduce the Irrigation Project Contract Extension Act of 1996.
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By Mr. HARKIN (for himself, Mr. Kerry, Mr. Simon, Mr. Leahy, Ms.
Mikulski, and Mr. Inouye):
S. 1650. A bill to amend the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 to prohibit discrimination in the payment of wages on account of sex, race, or national origin, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Labor and Human Resources.
THE FAIR PAY ACT OF 1996
Mr. HARKIN. Mr. President, the Equal Pay Act, passed in 1963, made it illegal to discriminate against women when determining pay levels for the same job. Since then, we have made some progress in reducing employment discrimination against women. But we cannot have equality of opportunity in the workplace without equality and fairness in wages and salary. Even though many women have moved up and out of traditionally female jobs, stereotypes and historical discrimination remain firmly imbedded in pay scales.
Current law has not done enough to combat wage discrimination when employers routinely pay lower wages to jobs that are dominated by women. That is why I am introducing the Fair Pay Act of 1996. The Fair Pay Act is designed to pick up where the Equal Pay Act left off by paying women equally for equivalent work.
The heart of the Fair Pay Act will make it illegal to discriminate against employees on the basis of sex, race, and national origin by requiring equal pay for work in jobs that are comparable in skill, effort, responsibility, and working conditions. Women and minorities make up 57 percent of the workforce and their salaries are an essential component of family income. It is a fundamental issue of fairness to provide equal pay for work that is of equal value to an employer.
Wage gaps can result from differences in education, experience, or time in the workforce and the Fair Pay Act does not interfere with that. But, just as there is a glass ceiling in the American workplace, there is also what I call a glass wall--where women are on the exact same level as their male coworkers. They have the same skills, they have the same type of responsibilities, but they are still obstructed from receiving the same pay. It is a hidden barrier, but a barrier all the same. And it is keeping out equality, opportunity, and above all fairness. The Fair Pay Act is about knocking down the glass wall.
To illustrate, consider a study done in the county of Los Angeles that compared the job requirements and salaries of children's social service workers who were mostly women and probation officers who were mostly men. The two jobs required the same skills and education, and the working conditions were similar. However, the social service workers were paid an average of $35,000 a year while the probation officers were paid an average of $55,000 a year--a $20,000 difference in salary.
Over a lifetime, that kind of wage gap adds up. The average woman loses $420,000 over a lifetime due to unequal pay practices. Such gaps in income are life changing: it can mean the difference between welfare and self-sufficiency, owning a home or renting, sending your kids to college or to flip burgers, or having a decent retirement instead of an uncertain old age.
The Fair Pay Act is a commonsense business issue. Women and minorities make up over half of the work force and fair pay is essential to attract and keep good workers.
The Fair Pay Act is an economic issue. Working women, after all, don't get special discounts when they buy milk. They can't get a special rate buying clothes for their kids. Bread and gasoline don't cost less for working women than working men. And women and minorities are certainly taxed at the same rate as men are, yet they don't get any break when April 15 rolls around.
The Fair Pay Act is a family issue. Family budgets are getting squeezed by the day. When women are discriminated against in their pay, they aren't the only ones who lose. When women aren't paid what they're worth, husbands and children get cheated too.
Now, I've heard the critics. Some say there is no discrimination in the workplace. It's just the natural economic forces paying workers their fair share.
Others say that this is a decision that should be left to the private sector alone. If the private sector wants to discriminate, they say, that should be their right. Well, we as a society have said discrimination in any form should not be tolerated and that's what this bill is about.
There is perhaps no other form of discrimination that has as direct an impact on the day-to-day lives of workers as economic discrimination. The Equal Pay Act was designed to end that. And it has helped. But we need to go further to address economic discrimination for equivalent work.
And most importantly, the American people want fair pay legislation. The Fair Pay Act has already been endorsed by a wide variety of groups and organizations. In addition, polling data consistently show that over 70 percent of the American people support a law requiring the same pay for men and women in jobs requiring similar skills and responsibilities. Please join me in supporting the Fair Pay Act of 1996. I welcome your ideas and suggestions.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that additional material be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the Record, as follows:
We Support the Fair Pay Act
A. Philip Randolph Institute.
Adams National Bank.
AFL-CIO.
AFSCME.
American Association of Retired Persons.
American Association of University Women.
American Civil Liberties Union.
American Federation of Government Employees.
American Library Association.
American Nurses Association.
American Physical Therapy Association.
Americans for Democratic Action.
Bakery, Confectionery, Tobacco Workers International Union.
B'nai B'rith Women.
Business and Professional Women/USA.
Center for the Advancement of Public Policy.
Coal Employment Project.
Coalition of Black Trade Unionists.
Coalition of Labor Union Women.
Dulles Area NOW.
Episcopal Church Center, Women in Mission & Ministry.
Equal Rights Advocates.
Federally Employed Women.
Federation of Organizations for Professional Women (FOPW).
Financial Women International Fund for the Feminist Majority.
General Federation of Women's Clubs.
Industrial Union Department, AFL-CIO.
Institute for Research on Women's Health.
International Brotherhood of Teamsters.
Int'l Union of Electronic, Electrical, Salaried, Machine & Furn. Workers Union.
International Union, United Auto Workers.
Hubbard and Revo-Cohen, Inc.
Kentucky Commission on Women.
League of United Latin American Citizens.
MANA: A National Latina Organization.
National Association for Commissions for Women.
National Association for Girls and Women in Sport.
National Association of Social Workers.
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
National Committee on Pay Equity.
National Council of Jewish Women.
National Council of Negro Women.
National Education Association.
National Federation of Federal Employees.
National Organization for Women.
National Treasury Employees Union.
National Urban League.
National Women's Law Center.
Network: A National Catholic Social Justice Lobby.
Office and Professional Employees Int'l Union.
Self Help for Equal Rights.
Service Employees International Union.
The Newspaper Guild.
UNITE! Union of Needletrades, Industrial and Textile Employees.
United Food and Commercial Workers Union.
United Methodist Church.
Utility Workers Union of America.
Wider Opportunities for Women.
Women Employed.
Women in Communications, Inc.
Women on the Job.
Women of the Job Taskforce.
Women Work! The National Network for Women's Employment.
Women's Information Network.
Women's Legal Defense Fund.
Women's Self Employment Project.
YWCA of the USA.
Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, today, more than half our population faces discrimination every day. Hard to believe, but it is true.
Women currently earn, on average, 28 percent less than men. That means for every dollar a man earns, a woman earns only 72 cents. Over a lifetime, the average woman will earn $420,000 less than the average man based solely on her sex. This is unacceptable. We must correct this gross inequity, and we must correct it now.
How is this possible with our Federal laws prohibiting discrimination? It is possible because we in Congress have failed to protect one of the most fundamental human rights--the right to be paid fairly for an honest day's work.
Unfortunately, our laws ignore wage discrimination against women and minorities, which continues to fester like a cancer in workplaces across the country. The Fair Pay Act of 1996 would close this legal loophole by prohibiting discrimination based on wages.
I do not pretend that this act will solve all the problems that women and minorities face in the workplace. It is, however, an essential piece of the puzzle.
Equal pay for equal work is often a subtle problem that is difficult to combat. And it does not stand alone as an issue that women and minorities face in the workplace. It is deeply intertwined with the problem of unequal opportunity. Closing this loophole is not enough if we fail to provide the opportunity for women and minorities, regardless of their merit, to reach higher paying positions.
The Government, by itself, cannot change the attitudes and perceptions of individuals or private businesses in hiring and advancing women and minorities, but it can set an example. Certainly, President Clinton has shown great leadership by appointing an unprecedented number of women to his administration. Earlier this week, the Department of Defense, the Nation's largest employer of women, reached a milestone when President Clinton appointed the first female three-star general, Maj. Gen. Carol Mutter of the U.S. Marine Corps. I share her sentiment when she said she could not wait until there were no more firsts for women. The Government has a long way to go, however, since General Mutter will be the lone woman out of more than 100 three-
star officers.
The private sector also has a long way to go to provide equal opportunity. The report released by the Glass Ceiling Commission last year found that 95 percent of the senior managers of Fortune 1000 industrial and Fortune 500 companies are white males. The Glass Ceiling Commission also found that when there are women and minorities in high places, their compensation is lower than white males in similar positions. This wage inequality is the issue we seek to address today.
In the next decade, the changing nature of the workplace--women and minority men will make up 62 percent of the work force by the year 2005--will force businesses to look at the larger pool of qualified Americans to continue to be competitive in the marketplace. As this change occurs, we must demand fair pay for equal work.
For the first time in our country's long history, this bill outlaws discrimination in wages paid to employees in equivalent jobs solely on the basis of a worker's sex, race, or national origin. I say it is about time. I commend Senator Harkin for introducing the Fair Pay Act, and I am proud to be an original cosponsor of it.
The Fair Pay Act would remedy gender and race wage gaps under a balanced approach that takes advantage of the employment expertise of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission [EEOC], while providing flexibility to small employers . In addition, it would safeguard legitimate wage differences caused by a seniority or merit pay system. And the legislation directs the EEOC to provide educational materials and technical assistance to help employers design fair pay policies.
It is a basic issue of fairness to provide equal pay for work of equal value. The Fair Pay Act makes it possible for women and minorities to finally achieve this fundamental fairness. I urge my colleagues to support this legislation.
______
By Mr. WARNER:
S. 1651. A bill to amend title 10, United States Code, to permit covered beneficiaries under the military health care system who are also entitled to medicare to enroll in the Federal Employees Health Benefits program; to the Committee on Armed Services.
military retirees health benefits legislation
Mr. WARNER. Mr. President, today I am pleased to introduce legislation which will return a sense of fairness to the military health care system by providing Medicare-eligible uniformed services retirees the same health care plan that is currently available to every other retired federal employee. This proposed legislation would allow all Medicare-eligible military retirees and family members to participate in the Federal Employee Health Benefits Plan [FEHBP].
Under the current system, military retirees are the only group of Federal employees whose health plan is taken away at age 65, requiring them to rely exclusively on Medicare. This is a broken promise, one made as they took their oath of office. I am sure that my colleagues would agree that this situation is not only inherently unfair, but that it also breaks a long standing health care commitment to our military retirees. It is worth noting that nearly all of the largest U.S. corporations, such as General Motors, IBM and Exxon, provide their retirees with substantial employer-paid health coverage in addition to Medicare. The commonly held belief that the health care provided for military retirees is second to none is a myth. The truth is that when compared to what is provided by other large employers including the rest of the Federal Government, the health care that is provided to our Medicare-eligible military retirees and their family members has become second to almost all others.
This legislation is a major step toward the application of equitable standards of health care for all Federal Employees and honors our commitments to those veterans who served our Nation faithfully through many years of arduous military service. I invite my colleagues to join me as cosponsors of this bill. I would like to thank Jack Hoggard, Commander, USN(RET) and Mike Matthes, Commander, USN for their efforts in producing this important legislation.
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By Mr. McCONNELL:
S. 1652. A bill to amend the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974 to establish a national resource center and clearinghouse to carry out training of State and local law enforcement personnel to more effectively respond to cases involving missing or exploited children, and for other purposes; to the Committee on the Judiciary.
the jimmy ryce law enforcement training center establishment act of
1996
Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I am pleased to introduce a bill to establish the Jimmy Ryce Law Enforcement Training Center for the Recovery of Missing and Exploited Children.
Each year tens of thousands of children are reported missing from their homes. The Department of Justice estimates that 3,000 to 4,000 children are taken coercively by nonfamily members. And the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children gets involved with almost 300 cases a year which involve children abducted by strangers intending harm. Many of these children are never seen again.
This is the most critical factor in a missing child investigation. And too, often, local law enforcement officials lack the experience and the resources to conduct a swift and effective investigation which will maximize the chances for a safe recovery.
The Jimmy Ryce Center, which will be established by this bill, will combine the resources of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children with those the F.B.I.'s National Crime Information Center and Child Abduction and Serial Killer Unit, as well as the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. The Jimmy Ryce Center will be a national training center for law enforcement officials from all over the United States and its programs will address: identifying the elements of a missing and exploited child case investigations; applying research regarding missing and exploited child case investigations and analyzing successful and unsuccessful investigative techniques; and educating about the national resources available to assist local efforts in a missing and exploited child case investigation.
The Jimmy Ryce Center will also make it a priority to provide comprehensive nationwide training for law enforcement regarding report taking and NCIC entry of missing child information. And, the training center will expand current training done by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention and coordinate programs in all 50 States and the District of Columbia.
I am confident the bill will have the support of the Department of Justice. It already has the support of the Fraternal Order of Police, and I ask unanimous consent that the FOP's letter, as well a copy of the bill, be included in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the Record, as follows:
S. 1652
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. FINDINGS.
The Congress finds that--
(1) an investigation to find a missing child presents unique circumstances for law enforcement agencies, including the need for specialized training and the capability of swift response to maximize the chances for the safe recovery of the child;
(2) local law enforcement officials often lack experience and are unaware of the Federal resources available to assist in the investigation of cases involving a missing child; and
(3) a national training facility should be established to assist State and local law enforcement agencies in--
(A) providing comprehensive training in investigations of cases involving missing or exploited children;
(B) ensuring uniform, consistent, and meaningful use of reporting systems and processes; and
(C) promoting the use of vital national resources.
SEC. 2. AMENDMENT.
Section 404(b)(2)(D) of the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act of 1974 is amended by striking
``children; and'' and inserting ``children, including--
``(i) the establishment of an onsite training center at the national clearinghouse to be known as the Jimmy Ryce Law Enforcement Training Center for the Recovery of Missing Children, designed to--
``(I) assist high-level law enforcement leaders from across the country, selected by State officials, to develop effective protocols and policies for the investigation and prosecution of cases involving a missing or exploited child; and
``(II) introduce those officials to resources available from the clearinghouse and Federal agencies to assist in cases involving a missing or exploited child;
``(ii) nationwide training in report-taking and data entry in cases involving missing or exploited children for information specialists, conducted at State and local law enforcement facilities by employees of the national clearinghouse and the National Crime Information Center of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, designed to ensure that necessary information regarding cases involving missing or exploited children is gathered and entered at the local level in a timely and effective manner; and
``(iii) State-based basic investigation training in cases involving missing or exploited children for State and local police investigators selected by State officials, conducted by employees of the national clearinghouse and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention of the Department of Justice, designed to provide practical instruction in the investigation of cases involving missing or exploited children; and''.
____
Fraternal Order of Police,
National Legislative Program,
Washington, DC, March 27, 1996.Hon. Mitch McConnell,U.S. Senate, Washington, DC.
Hon. Peter Deutsch,U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, DC.
Gentlemen: On behalf of the 270,000 members of the Fraternal Order of Police, this is to express our strong support for your legislation to provide funding and facilities to train state and local law enforcement officers in investigative techniques for utilization in missing and exploited children case.
As a member of the Board of the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children (NCMEC), I am thoroughly familiar with the wonderful work of the Center, and with the strong bond which the NCMEC has forged with state and local officers. The proposed Jimmy Ryce Law Enforcement Training Center for the Recovery of Missing Children, which would operate within the framework of the NCMEC, can only enhance that relationship, and will make it even more productive.
We thank both of you for your leadership on this issue, and in the many other areas where both of you have weighed in on the side of tough yet progressive law enforcement.
Sincerely,
Gilbert G. Gallegos,
National President.
______
By Mr. CONRAD:
S. 1653. A bill to prohibit imports into the United States of grain and grain products from Canada, and for other purposes; to the Committee on Finance.
the import prohibition act of 1996
Mr. CONRAD. Mr. President, on another matter, we learned yesterday that Canada is banning all imports of United States durum as a result of the karnal bunt fungus found in Arizona. Mr. President, this ban means that no durum may be exported to Canada. Durum is the wheat that makes pasta. So all the pasta lovers should understand most of the durum that makes pasta in this country is grown in North Dakota. Eighty-seven percent of the durum wheat that makes pasta is grown in North Dakota. And our Canadian friends from the north have now banned all imports of U.S. durum wheat. What does that mean? Well, it means a lot.
It means that our durum is not going to be able to leave through the Great Lakes. That is where the grain that is grown in North Dakota and the rest of the Midwest is transferred to what we call lakers, ships that go on the lake to transoceanic vessels. Those transfers are made in Canadian ports.
This ban will mean that our grain cannot leave through those Canadian ports. That means our grain is going to have to go south through the gulf adding a lot of cost and expense. That means we are going to be less competitive against the Canadians.
Mr. President, one might understand what the Canadians are doing here if in some way they were threatened. They themselves have acknowledged they are not threatened. They themselves have acknowledged that karnal bunt cannot survive in the cold of Canada. And there is no karnal bunt that has been found in the Midwest. The only place it was found was on isolated farms in some southwestern States.
So the Canadians are engaged, I believe, in a deception. They are saying they are banning our exports of durum wheat through their ports to protect their producers. But by their own statements they know--and they have acknowledged--that they are not threatened.
So what is really going on, Mr. President? I believe it is an attempt to secure a competitive advantage, and we should not allow it. We should fight back.
Today, I am introducing two bills: One that will ban imports of Canadian durum until Canada drops its restriction on our grain. And the second bill would ban the imports of all cattle and beef from Canada given the fact that we have seen the mad cow disease develop in England. We know there have been shipments of cattle from England to Canada in the past.
If they are going to threaten us because of karnal bunt found in Arizona, we can threaten them in the same way and shut off all imports from Canada of their beef and their cattle because of the mad cow syndrome in England when we know there have been shipments of beef from that country to Canada.
It makes just as much sense to ban imports of cattle and beef from Canada where there is no known BSE as it does to ban imports of wheat from the upper midwest where there are no known outbreaks of karnal bunt.
That is equivalent treatment. That is standing up for America. I hope that other of my colleagues will join me in supporting this legislation to send a clear message to our neighbors to the north that we are not going to accept their refusal to take our exports of durum through their markets.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the Record, as follows:
S. 1653
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. FINDINGS.
The Congress makes the following findings:
(1) The Canadian Government has imposed a ban on the importation of durum wheat from the United States because of an outbreak of karnal bunt in Arizona.
(2) The ban applies to all imports of durum wheat from the United States, including wheat from States where no evidence of karnal bunt has been found.
(3) No karnal bunt has been found in any wheat produced in Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Minnesota, or in the Great Lakes region.
(4) The Canadian Government has stated that due to the cold climate in Canada there is no risk of an outbreak of karnal bunt in Canada.
(5) Canada's ban on shipments of durum wheat through the Great Lakes ports is unjustifiable and the ban places unnecessary restrictions on shipments of other wheat through the Great Lakes ports.
SEC. 2. PROHIBITION AGAINST ENTRY OF CERTAIN CANADIAN GRAIN
PRODUCTS.
(a) In General.--Not later than 15 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President shall prohibit the entry, or withdrawal from warehouse for consumption, of all grain products (described in heading 1001 or 1101.00.00 of the Harmonized Tariff Schedule of the United States) which are produced, grown, or manufactured in Canada.
(b) Duration.--The prohibition imposed under subsection (a) shall remain in full force and effect until the Secretary of Agriculture and the United States Trade Representative--
(1) determine that Canada has removed the prohibition on imports described in subsection (c), and that durum wheat products produced in the United States are permitted full and fair access to the markets of such country; and
(2) submit to the Congress the determination under paragraph (1), together with the reasons underlying the determination.
(c) Prohibition Described.--The prohibition described in this subsection is a prohibition on the importation of durum wheat products produced in the United States where there is not sufficient evidence that karnal bunt exists with respect to such wheat.
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By Mrs. BOXER (for herself and Mr. Bradley):
S. 1654. A bill to apply equal standards to certain foreign made and domestically produced handguns; to the Committee on the Judiciary.
the junk gun violence protection act of 1996
Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I am introducing, along with my distinguished colleague from New Jersey, Senator Bradley, a bill to give equal treatment to the manufacture, transfer, and possession of both foreign made and domestically produced junk guns.
I ask unanimous consent that the text of the bill be printed in the Record.
There being no objection, the bill was ordered to be printed in the Record, as follows:
S. 1654
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This Act may be cited as the ``Junk Gun Violence Protection Act''.
SEC. 2. FINDINGS.
The Congress finds that--
(1) the prohibition on the importation of handguns that are not generally recognized as particularly suitable for or readily adaptable to sporting purposes, often described as junk guns or Saturday night specials, has led to the creation of a high-volume market for these weapons that are domestically manufactured;
(2) traffic in junk guns constitutes a serious threat to public welfare and to law enforcement officers, and the use of such firearms is increasing;
(3) junk guns are used disproportionately in the commission of crimes;
(4) of the firearms traced in 1995, the 3 firearms most commonly traced to crimes were junk guns; and
(5) the domestic manufacture, transfer, and possession of junk guns should be restricted.
SEC. 3. RESTRICTION ON MANUFACTURE, TRANSFER, AND POSSESSION
OF CERTAIN HANDGUNS.
(a) Restriction.--Section 922 of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following new subsection:
``(y)(1) It shall be unlawful for a person to manufacture, transfer, or possess a junk gun that has been shipped or transported in interstate or foreign commerce.
``(2) Paragraph (1) shall not apply to--
``(A) the possession or transfer of any junk gun otherwise lawfully possessed under Federal law on the date of the enactment of the Junk Gun Violence Protection Act;
``(B) any firearm or replica of a firearm that has been rendered permanently inoperative;
``(C) the manufacture for, transfer to, or possession by the United States or a State or a department or agency of the United States, or a State or a department, agency, or political subdivision of a State, or a transfer to or possession by a law enforcement officer employed by such an entity for law enforcement purposes (whether on or off duty); or
``(D) the manufacture, transfer, or possession of a junk gun by a licensed manufacturer or licensed importer for the purposes of testing or experimentation authorized by the Secretary.''.
(b) Definition of Junk Gun.--Section 921(a) of title 18, United States Code, is amended by adding at the end the following new paragraph:
``(33)(A) The term `junk gun' means any firearm that is not described in section 925(d)(3), and any regulations issued under such section.''.
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