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“GREEK INDEPENDENCE DAY” mentioning the U.S. Dept of State was published in the House of Representatives section on pages H3796-H3804 on March 24, 1995.
The publication is reproduced in full below:
GREEK INDEPENDENCE DAY
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the Speaker's announced policy of January 4, 1995, the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Bilirakis] is recognized for 60 minutes as the designee of the majority leader.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today as I have each March for the last dozen years here in the Hall of American democracy, to honor the spirit of freedom that lies at the heart of our political system. It is the idea of democratic government, brought forth by the ancient Greeks and which today sweeps the modern world.
It is, indeed, fitting that we celebrate this magnificent concept of democratic government this week because this Saturday, March 25, is the date that people of Greek heritage and the Greek Orthodox faith--as well as freedom-loving individuals everywhere--celebrate the symbolic Rebirth of Democracy: Greek Independence Day.
March 25, 1995, will be the 174th anniversary of the beginning of Greece's struggle for independence from more than 400 years of foreign domination. It was on this historic day that the Greek people began a series of uprisings against their Turkish oppressors, uprisings that soon turned into a revolution attracting wide international support.
The Greeks' long and arduous struggle against the Ottoman Empire is a perfect example of the ability of mankind to overcome all obstacles if the will to persevere is strong enough and the goal--in this case, the dream of freedom--is bright enough.
The United States of America is surely the truest expression of this dream today. It remains an imperfect dream, yes, but it is still the shining example which oppressed people throughout the world have looked to for generations and from which they have gained strength in their struggles to overcome their oppressors.
This dream of democracy--born so long ago in Greece--and its greatest tangible expression in our great Democratic republic, Mr. Speaker, forms the common bond between our two nations. Furthermore, it is a bond that has stretched throughout history, from ancient times to the present day.
The history of the Greek war for independence also is filled with heroes and heroism, remarkable events by many peoples in a common cause. It is partly the story of the Klephts, who descended upon the invaders from their mountain strongholds. It is also the story of the Hydriots, seafarers who broke the Ottoman naval blockade; and it is the story of the Philhellenes, who took these tales of courage to Europe where their significance was not overlooked.
These stories woven together formed the fabric of a free and independent Greece, of democracy returned to the cradle where it was born, and defended by the defiant cries of the Greek patriots:
``Eleftheria I Thanatos''--Liberty or Death.
As probably a typical illustration of courage in that fight is a story told in the newspaper ``The Greek American'' by writer Eva Catafygiotu Topping tells us of the fight by the Greeks of the island of Psara in the Aegean Sea.
I yield to the gentlewoman from New York [Mrs. Maloney] for her statement.
Mrs. MALONEY. Thank you, Mr. Bilirakis.
Mr. Speaker, it is a distinct honor to join my friend, Mr. Bilirakis, and
[[Page H3797]] other advocates of Greek-American relations in this important special order.
This is my third year in Congress and the third time that I have stood together with the esteemed gentleman from Florida to celebrate Greek Independence Day and to discuss a few of the pressing issues on the Hellenic agenda.
The presence of the various Members on the floor today proves that support for Greece and Greek-Americans is an issue that unites Democrats and Republicans, liberals and conservatives, and Members from all across this great Nation.
Mr. Speaker, this Sunday I will be humbled to receive one of the greatest honors to be bestowed on me in my entire career in public life. I will be the grand marshall of the annual Greek Independence Day parade on Fifth Avenue in Manhattan.
There are a number of reasons why this honor means so much to me.
First, because I will be joined by thousands of my neighbors and constituents. I am privileged to represent one of the largest and most vibrant Greek-American and Cypriot-American communities in the Nation. In the wonderful neighborhood of Astoria, Queens, where tens of thousands of Greek-Americans reside, I have always been overwhelmed by the warmth and enthusiasm with which the community has welcomed me.
Marching side by side with my Greek-American friends on Sunday will once again instill me with respect and admiration for this special people and their remarkable heritage. And it is this heritage that we celebrate today.
March 25 marks the 174th anniversary of the day when the Greek people won back their independence after nearly 400 years of cruel domination by the Ottoman Empire. One hundred and seventy-four years ago, the Greek people were able to resume their rightful place as an exemplar of democratic ideals to the rest of the Western world. In fact, our own American revolution and fight for independence was inspired by the ancient Greek paradigm of democracy and individual liberties.
Perhaps the American philosopher Will Durant put it best when he said
``Greece is the bright morning star of that Western civilization which is our nourishment and life.''
Mr. Speaker, in the year that has passed since our last special order, my colleagues and I who advocate for Hellenic issues have been heartened by some important victories and challenged by other developments. I would like to take a few minutes to touch on some of these issues.
First, a great victory. Many of us in this Chamber worked long and hard on behalf of the Omonia Four, ethnic Greeks who were unfairly and unjustly imprisoned by the Albanian Government on trumped up charges of espionage. Month after month, week after week, Members of Congress and others, like Mrs. Kathryn Porter of Illinois and the writer Nicholas Gage, lobbied our State Department and the Albanian Government for a resolution of this problem.
Finally, just a few weeks ago, the Albanian Supreme Court ordered the release of these long-suffering individuals. I commend Albanian President Berisha for this gesture, but I also want to let him know that we in Congress will continue to closely monitor the human rights situation of the Greek minority in Northern Epirus.
And now to another important issue. Mr. Speaker, make no mistake: Macedonia is Greek.
Over the past year, there have been important developments concerning the controversy over the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Unfortunately, in a move that I strongly opposed, the U.S. Government recognized FYROM. But to date, thanks in large measure to the strong opposition of many of us on the floor tonight, we have refrained from establishing formal diplomatic relations with this republic.
I had the opportunity to visit Greek Macedonia, the real Macedonia. On this trip, I was able to witness firsthand the much justified passion that this issue engenders. This is not just about a simple name. In fact, when Tito changed the name of the republic to
``Macedonia'' in 1944, the United States strongly opposed this action as ``unjustified demagoguery representing no ethnic or political reality.''
It should be the policy of the United States not to weigh in unilaterally on one side of this dispute but to support honest negotiations between Greece and FYROM to resolve these issues.
It is for this reason that I am proud to report that Mr. Bilirakis and I have reintroduced our bill, House Concurrent Resolution 31, which calls on the United States to support Greece in its efforts to reach a solution which promotes a solid, cooperative relationship between the two countries. And just as significantly, our resolution--which is cosponsored by dozens of pro-Greek Members of this House--would delay any establishment of formal diplomatic relations with FYROM until this just and fair relationship is established.
Finally, Mr. Speaker, we cannot celebrate the magnificent occasion of Greek Independence Day without touching on the tragic situation on Cyprus.
You do not have to be a Greek-American or a Cypriot-American to feel the outrage and pain felt by Cypriots who have had their land brutally and illegally occupied by Turkish forces for over 20 years. But it helps immeasurably to go to Cyprus like I have and look into the eyes of the people whose lives and families have been hurt, even destroyed, by this dark moment in world history.
And I have shared the pain of some of my own constituents in Astoria whose beloved family members are still missing from the Turkish invasion.
Twenty years is far too long for the families of the 1,619 missing to wait. But even if it takes another 20 years, we can never turn our backs on those who suffered in the invasion and those who continue to suffer on that beautiful island even today.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to be a cosponsor of a resolution authored by Mr. Engel and Mr. Porter which will put this House on record once again in insisting that this intolerable situation come to an end. In fact, last year, these two gentlemen and several of us passed a bill that will hopefully, finally, bring about an accounting of the five Americans missing from the invasion.
Later this spring, I will welcome to Astoria the Honorable Richard Beattie, President Clinton's Special Emissary to Cyprus, who will brief the community on the ongoing negotiations between the Government of Cyprus and the Turkish Government.
And under the leadership of Mr. Andrews of New Jersey, several of us have introduced a bill which would prohibit United States aid to Turkey unless and until the Turkish Government begins its withdrawal from Cyprus, improves its abysmal human rights record, and removes its unconscionable blockade of Armenia. And this bill will call on the Turkish Government to cease its military operations against Kurdish civilians.
Suffice it to say that many of us in this House are very, very concerned about the current Turkish operation in northern Iraq and the reports that civilians are being killed.
It is unfortunate, Mr. Speaker, that a special order dedicated to celebrate the birth of Greece and the democratic ideals and institutions that Greece has bestowed upon the world must also inevitably turn to the activities of the Turkish Government. But it is our duty to ensure that United States taxpayer dollars do not go toward subsidizing Turkish human rights abuses.
In conclusion, I simply want to wish all of my Hellenic friends and constituents, and any who may be watching, a very happy Greek Independence Day.
I pledge to you that every year that I am privileged to serve in Congress, I will come to the well of the House in March and extol the indomitable, life-giving spirit of the Greek people.
{time} 1500
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman who, yes, indeed, in every March of every year comes to the well of this House. Also, I might add, in July of every year she comes to sort of commemorate, if we can call it that, the tragedy of the invasion of Cyprus some 20 years ago. Thank you for all your great work.
Mr. Speaker, at this point I would yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Gekas].
Mr. GEKAS. I thank the gentleman specifically for this day and for his
[[Page H3798]] continuing efforts to make certain that special orders are created for the purpose of celebrating, commemorating, the 25th of March every single year.
It becomes more important to me almost every year, Mr. Speaker, and I say to the Members, to parallel the history of our own country with that of Greece.
In 1776, when our Nation launched its quest for independence, it was at a time when Greece was at the darkest period of its history under the yoke, for then 400-plus years, of the Ottoman Empire. But we are certain from anecdotal and other kinds of evidence that news of the American Revolution seeped into Greece and to the intelligentsia and to the villagers even in Greece, and little by little news of the successes of the Americans against the British became a watchword for the Greeks, who began to plan for their ultimate revolution.
So we know that the American Revolution inspired in great measure the Greek Revolution that began in 1821.
But that is not where the parallels end, as I look back on history. First of all, we had the impetus for the launching of the American Revolution, the Declaration of Independence. It is little recognized that the Greeks of that period also had a declaration of independence that emanated from Corinth, which was, is a bastion of freedom and liberty and classical splendor in the country of Greece.
That declaration of independence by the then patriots in the 1820's paralleled much of the language that we saw in the Declaration of Independence. Where we pledged our sacred honor as Americans, they pledged all that they had, the sacrifice of life and of family and of nationhood forever in the quest for liberty.
But that is not where the parallels end. We had our George Washington, a hero a patriarch, a leader of men, a diplomat, a soldier. The Greeks had Kolokotronis, the spelling of which I will supply the clerk afterwards or the stenographer, who paralleled that history. If I were a new Plutarch paralleling lives of Americans with other greats in other nations, I would parallel Washington with Kolokotronis.
Then at one period in American revolutionary history there came to the side of Washington, to the aid of the American revolutionists, a foreigner, Lafayette, who came from a foreign country, France, to help the Americans in their quest for liberty.
Guess what? In Greece there came to their side a lord, a poet, a nobleman of England. Lord Byron left England during the height of the revolution in Greece, came there, saw the splendors that he had always admired in Greece, wrote abundant poetry and prose having to do with his love of Greece and its history, and then, not satisfied with just rhetoric, not satisfied with just poetry, he entered the battle. At the battle of Missolonghi, the spelling of which I will provide the stenographer, at the battle of Missolonghi, he fought side by side, as did Lafayette with Washington, side by side with the Greeks in one of their most devastating battles, and lost his life. Lord Byron was killed on the very soil which he had so proudly described in his lyric poetry.
So the parallels go on and on. Patrick Henry said give me liberty or give me death, and that is what was contained in the declaration by the Greeks in their movement toward independence, liberty or death. It is not just a coincidence.
The point that I want to make, of which I am so proud, is that Americans of Greek descent recognize that the history of our country, the history of America that is, is intertwined inextricably with that of Greece. Not just from the Jeffersonian classical derivations that he himself, that great American was able to inculcate into the other men at the Constitutional Convention, with the ideals of intellectualism and freedom and democracy that Greece meant even back then, but then to see in their moment of woe and of misery, to see the President of the United States in 1822, James Monroe, issue a declaration and a message to Congress saying that that great classical country, from which we learned so much and on which we based so much of our own Nation, deserves our help, our sympathy, in the cry out for freedom that they themselves are bespeaking during their revolution.
Henry Clay, one of the greatest orators of all time, stood in a well similar to that which is occupied by our colleagues here today, and in that legislative session of the House of Representatives in the Congress of the United States began a marvelous recitation of why America should never be anything except a benefactor of Greece, as was Greece a benefactor of the origins of America, as he put it.
It goes on and on. The parallelisms are astounding and would make for a book, which I pledge to the Speaker I will attempt to write about what I speak here today, and reemphasize that, as Americans who have that extra privilege of having Greek heritage in our backgrounds, we are better Americans for it.
Thank you.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. I thank my colleague for his wisdom, for his wise words, and for that history which we all need to hear over and over again.
At this point I recognize the gentleman from New York [Mr. Gilman].
Mr. GILMAN. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Bilirakis] for arranging this special order permitting us to observe this very special day of historical significance for all who cherish freedom and revere independence from foreign domination.
On March 25, we will mark the 174th anniversary of the beginning of the revolution that ended with the people of Greece gaining their freedom from the Ottoman Empire.
For nearly 400 years, from the fall of Constantinople in 1453, until their declaration of independence in 1821, Greece had been under Ottoman rule. It was a period when people were deprived of civil rights, schools and churches were shuttered, Christian and Jewish boys were taken from their families to be raised as Moslems to serve the Sultan.
The people of Greece raised their flag of independence just 45 years after we in America ``fired the shot heard `round the world.'' Our Nation served as their role model, and the echoes of our War for Independence against Great Britain resounded in the Aegean, and have served to forge a special kinship between the United States and Greece.
By the same token, our Founding Fathers drew heavily upon the civic history of ancient Greece in formulating our own form of government. As James Madison and Alexander Hamilton wrote in ``The Federalist Papers'':
Among the confederacies of antiquity the most considerable was that of the Grecian republics [which] bore a very instructive analogy to the present confederation of the American states.
I am pleased to join with my colleagues in recognizing this very important milestone in the world's march to freedom. And as we recognize this important historical event for Greece, let us pause to recall the 1,600 Greece Cypriots who regrettably are still listed as missing as a result of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus more than 20 years ago.
And let us hope and pray that by next year's celebration or Greek Independence Day, that Cyprus will be reunited and that the missing Cypriots will be fully accounted for.
Mr. BILIRAKIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague, who also joins us year after year after year, a wonderful fellow Hellene, friend of human rights all over the world. We thank you, Ben, for your wonderful friendship you have shown over the years.
Mr. Speaker, earlier I alluded to this article in the newspaper called the Greek American. It is an article entitled ``Liberty or Death: Psara, July 1824,'' by Eva Topping. I will read from that article as follows:
Liberty or Death: Psara, July 1824
(By Eva Catafygiotu Topping)
To find tiny Psara on the island-studded map of the Aegean Sea is not easy. Sixteen square miles of barren rock and mountainous terrain. It lies twelve miles off the northwest coast of Chios. Homer mentions it once in the Odyssey. Then, as if buried under the blue Aegean waters, Psara disappeared for centuries from recorded history,
Suddenly, however, in the eighteenth century the island came to life, a prosperous naval and commercial center. And during the Greek Revolution in the next century, Psara made history. On July 4, 1824, it achieved immortality when its brave people chose death rather than surrender to the Turks. In the long and rich history of the Greeks' unending struggle for liberty there exists no more stirring example of heroic idealism.
[[Page H3799]] On the island of Zakynthos in the Ionian Sea, Dionysios Solomos, a young twenty-six year old poet, responded immediately to the story of Psara with a haunting epigram of six verses.
Ston Psaron ten olomavri rahiperpatontas e Doxa monahi,meleta ta lambra palikaria,kai stin komi stephani phoreiyinomeno ap ta liga hortariapou eihan meni stin eremi yi.
On Psara's all-blackened ridge,Glory walking alonemediates on noble heroes.And on her hair She wears a crownmade of the few blades of grassthat had been left on the desolate earth.
Needless to say, no translation (including mine) adequately conveys the extraordinary pathos and beauty of Solomos' masterpiece. His is the perfect tribute to the Psariots' glorious passion for freedom.
One hundred and seventy-one years later, the story of Psara that inspired Solomos still deserves to be told.
In 1824, the Greek War of Independence, begun on 22 March 1821, was in its fourth year. The people of Psara had been among the first to join the Revolution. Moreover, Psariots had also been among the first to join the secret revolutionary Society of Friends (Philiki Hetairia) founded in Odessa (1814).
On Easter Sunday, April 23, 1821, at a solemn meeting of the entire population, the people of Psara declared themselves free and independent. (On that same day in Constantinople, the Turks hanged the Patriarch and began a reign of terror against the Greek population in the empire.)
On Psara, the people raised a flag of their own design. Their flag was made of white cloth bordered with red. The name of the island appears at the top in red letters. Standing on a crescent in reverse, a large red cross dominates the flag. The cross is flanked on one side by a sword, on the other by a serpent killed by a bird. Straight across the flag are inscribed in bold, red capital letters the words Eleftheria e Thanatos (Liberty or Death).
The red color, the symbols, the words, all expressed the Psariots' determination to win their freedom. Their choice lay between two absolutes. No compromise was possible. If Psariots could not be free, they would die. In July 1824, the proud flag of Psara proved tragically prophetic.
From the beginning of the struggle for Greek independence, the brave sailors and captains of the tiny Aegean island had dedicated their lives and ships to the sacred cause, freedom from Ottoman rule. No sooner had the Psariots declared their independence than their little ships sailed out to fight. Cruising up and down the sea from the Dardanelles to Rhodes, they terrorized the Turkish population all along the Asia Minor coast. They destroyed or captured Turkish ships, thus paralyzing Turkish attempts to supply their forces in Greece. Although Psara was the smallest of the four ``naval islands,'' her sailors participated con- spiciously in every naval campaign against the Turks from 1821-1824. Sometimes they fought alone. The failure of the Turks to crush the Greek ``rebellion'' after three years was in large measure due to the exploits of the sailors and ships from Psara, Hydra, Spetses, and Kasos.
True children of the Aegean (it was said that Psariots went to sea at age six), their sailors were the most daring, their captains the most skillful, and their little ships the lightest and fastest. Always outnumbered and outgunned, again and again they proved themselves Greek Davids against the Turkish Goliath.
Psara distinguished itself not only by the patriotism and the indefatigable activity of its seamen, but also by the illustrious deeds of one of its sons, Konstantinos Kanaris. A virtuoso of the dreaded fire-ship, this intrepid Psariot captain avenged the brutal massacre of Chios (1822) by setting fire and destroying the flagship of the Turkish fleet lying at anchor offshore the devastated island. This and similar exploits brought Kanaris international fame. Across the Atlantic, Herman Melville described in Moby Dick how
``the pith and sulphur-freighted brigs'' of ``bold'' Kanaris
``issuing from their midnight harbors . . . bore down upon the Turkish frigates, and folded them in conflagrations.''
The spectacular victories of the Greek fleets, especially those of the Psariots and their fireships, quickened hopes of independence. At the same time, they convinced the Sultan that unless he crushed these islanders, he would never command the seas and thus never invade Greece where the population was determined to defend its liberty. He decided therefore to paralyze the Greeks by destroying Psara and Kasos, their two most exposed naval stations. Especially angry at the Psariots, he asked for a map in order to locate their home base. Having located tiny Psara, he vowed to wipe it off the map, out of existence. To this end, he ordered a great fleet to be assembled at Constantinople. Its sailors and soldiers were promised twelve times the prizes and booty received at the holocaust of Chios two years earlier.
Kasos was destroyed first. In early June a large fleet from Egypt manned by 3000 Albanians attacked the island. 500 Kasiot seamen fell in the fighting. 2000 women and children were captured, destined for the slave markets of Alexandria. Plunder and looting were allowed for twenty-four hours.
The destruction of Kasos previewed the fate that awaited Psara. In mid-June, at a meeting in the historic church of St. Nicholas, patron saint of sailors, it was decided to fight to the death on the island for the island. To ratify the decision, a solemn liturgy was then celebrated, at which the people of Psara vowed again that they would die rather than surrender.
The formidable fleet from Constantinople arrived on July 1. The armada consisted of 180 ships of different types. Aboard were 14,000 soldiers, including a number of the feared Janissaries, trained and ready to land and fight on the island. On July 2 Greeks and Turks exchanged some indecisive fire, encouraging the Psariot defenders that they could hold their positions.
The battle for Psara began the next morning. During the night Turkish troops had landed on the unprotected north and now threatened the town in the southwest corner of the island. French officers left vivid accounts of ``le spectacle'' they witnessed from two ships nearby. Despite desperate Psariot resistance to the Turkish advance, they were overpowered.
Nevertheless, they inflicted heavy casualties on the enemy and died fighting. Not a single Psariot laid down his weapon.
At the sight of the Turks on the hills above the town, panic seized the population. While the fleet shelled the town, women with their children jumped to death on the rocks or in the sea. Men, women and children rushed to the shore, hoping to escape in overcrowded boats. Many of these capsized, covering the sea with corpses. Fierce fighting took place in the town. The streets ran with blood. The French officers described the day as one of carnage.
The heroic but futile resistance of the Psariots ended on July 4. The last stand was made at Palaiokastro, an old fort above the town, where several hundred soldiers, women and children had taken refuge. Having taken down the proud Psariot flag that flew over the fort, 2000 Turks stormed it. The moment they entered the fort, Antonios Vratsanos lit the fuse to a magazine of gunpowder, blowing up all the Psariots along with their enemy. The valiant Psariots, defenders of their liberty, were faithful to their flag. They chose to die rather than to live as slaves. A French officer who heard and saw the explosion compared it to a volcanic eruption of Vesuvius.
By the end of July 4, 1824, Psara was no more. Part of its population had been brutally massacred. Another part had been taken captive, cargo for the slave markets of Smyrna. And a part had managed to escape, including Kanaris. No one remained on the island except, so it was said, for one monk. The fine houses and twenty churches of the town were looted. Finally, the town was set on fire. Although surviving seamen from Psara never stopped sailing against the Turks, a Psariot fleet no longer existed to frustrate the Sultan's plans.
The refugees from Psara were settled on Monemvasia and on Euboea where they founded the village of New Psara. Psara itself remained under Turkish control until 1912.
Notwithstanding the passage of 171 years since July 4, 1824. Glory still walks on the hallowed rocks and mountains of tiny Psara. And with her let us meditate and honor the heroic islanders for whom liberty was more precious than life.
At this point I yield to the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. Klink] who I know has a long five or so hour drive to Pittsburgh to his home. He could have left better than an hour ago after the last vote, but decided to stay to be a part of this special order.
Mr. KLINK. Mr. Speaker, the chairman is very kind. I thank him for yielding. I will tell the Speaker that I am very proud to join all of my colleagues here today, particularly proud to join Chairman Bilirakis, because we share not only a Greek heritage together, but it just so happens our families came from the same small island of Kalimnos in the Aegean Sea. So we are very proud as Kalimnosians that we were able to represent not only our districts and our people here, but those people of our forefathers who settled and worked very hard on that tiny island.
When you look back at the quotes that have been made about this Nation, about this great Nation of the United States that we are so proud to live in, and you look at the quotes that were made about Greece, it is hard to differentiate one from the other. For example, I will read a quote. It says, ``Our Constitution is called a democracy because power is in the hands not of the minority, but of the whole people. When it is a question of settling private disputes, everyone is equal before the law. When it is a question of putting one person before another in positions of public responsibility, what counts is not a membership of a particular class, but the actual ability which that man possesses.''
[[Page H3800]] {time} 1515
Those comments were not made in this Nation although they could have been made. They were made by Pericles in an address in Greece 2000 years ago and Plato of ``The Republic'' said democracy is a charming form of government, full of variety and disorder, and dispensing a kind of equality to equals and unequals alike.
Again, those same comments would be made for our Nation. I enjoyed the bit of history lesson that we got from our colleague, Mr. Gekas. I appreciated also the fact that as we take a look at the 174 years of Greek independence, that our other colleague, Mr. Gilman, also brought the comment, none of us can be truly free if all of us are not free. He talked about over 20 years ago the invasion of Cyprus and the fact that 1600 Greeks are still unaccounted for, and American citizens are still not accounted for, and we in this body need to stand up to make sure that there is an accounting given for those Greeks and those Americans that we do not know what occurred to them over 20 years ago.
Thomas Jefferson said of the ancient Greeks, we are all indebted for the light which has led ourselves, speaking of the American colonists, out of Gothic darkness. So again, the many things that have brought these two nations together. We have inspired each other. Our Government here being inspired of what the vision of quality and of democratic debate that was that of the Greeks and the Greeks during some very hard times when they were under the domination of the Ottoman Empire, drawing their power, drawing their light from an American Revolution that had taken place just over four decades earlier, a Greek commander in chief appealed to the citizens of the United States and he said, having formed the resolution to live or die for freedom, we are drawn toward you by a just sympathy since it is in your land that liberty has fixed her abode, and by you that she is prized as by our fathers. Hence, honoring her name we invoke yours at the same time. Trusting that in imitating you, we shall imitate our ancestors and be thought worthy of them if we succeed in resembling you, it is for you, citizens of America, to crown this great glory.
That is true. We honor each other with our governments. It is true that by being Americans, we have the distinct honor, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Bilirakis and I happen to have Greek blood. I will talk about Percy Bysshe Shelley who said, and this is a great quote, ``We are all Greeks, our laws, our literature, our religion, our art, all have their roots in Greece. And so we are all brothers together.''
Mr. BILIRAKIS. I thank the gentleman for staying to join in this special order. It is great to have gotten to know him.
We have seen over the years that democracy--which places the hands of the common man on the wheel of destiny--brings with it dangers as well. Freedom often brings with it old antagonisms, nationalist disputes that must be reconciled--and the old truism that warfare is only an extension of diplomacy is no better demonstrated than in the Balkans.
The former Yugoslavia--cobbled together out of many competing ethnic factions and for years held together by the force of communism--has fragmented, often explosively. Fighting continues over Bosnian independence and in Yugoslavia's southern region an old dispute threatens the cradle of democracy, Greece itself.
In 1945, the Greek Government protested when Yugoslavia's Communist dictator, Tito, usurped the name ``Macedonia'' for a province carved out of southern Yugoslavia to diminish the power of Serbia. This served only to inflame competing interests in a region stretching well beyond the borders of Yugoslavia and unstable since the days of Alexander the Great.
While this province now understandably seeks its sovereignty, the concept of Macedonia must in no way be restricted within the borders of this tiny land. To recognize this province as an independent nation under the name ``Macedonia'' would, I fear, unleash antagonisms already bubbling at the boiling point.
European leaders--among them the former Greek President Constantine Karamanlis, himself a Macedonian--have been voicing concerns to the European community over the Republic's request for recognition as an independent state.
As recounted in the New York Times, constitutional language regarding a future ``union'' of the wider lands of ancient Macedonia--which reach into Bulgaria, Albania, and Greece--spark resentments and suspicion. Promises to protect the cultural, economic, and social rights of Macedonians in surrounding countries are equally ominous.
More blatant still are maps that have been circulated in the region and bearing the seal of the Macedonian National Liberation Army; maps that depict the envisioned nation of Macedonia with borders reaching into eastern Albania, southwestern Bulgaria, and a full quarter of mainland Greece.
In short, Mr. Speaker, there is much more at stake here than a name. Rushing in with official recognition could add another Bosnia-type conflict to a region already suffering from widespread violence. As Greek and other European officials recognize, freedom is indeed a magnificent thing, a precious gift, but unless existing differences are peacefully reconciled now, very dark days could lie ahead.
Regrettably, however, the administration on February 8, 1994, went ahead unilaterally with recognition of Skopje under the provisional name of the ``former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.'' Many of us here in Congress were dismayed by this decision.
On February 9, 1994, I assembled a delegation letter to President Clinton. The letter expressed our extreme disappointment and disagreement with the administration's decision to recognize the
``former Yogoslav Republic of Macedonia'' under that name.
The letter also stated to the President that ``this issue is a bipartisan one that has strong support in the Congress'' and that ``we fear that this formal recognition sends precisely the wrong message'' to Skopje and Greece ``at precisely the wrong time. The prospect of peace in the region will not be enhanced by your action; indeed, it may very well be compromised.''
In times such as these, we must reflect on democracy as a goal worth the effort in ensuring its peaceful attainment. Indeed, we must reflect seriously on the democratic principles offered by ancient Greece.
The ancient Greeks forged the very notion of democracy, placing the ultimate power to govern in the hands of the people themselves. The dream of self-rule was made reality as our Founding Fathers drew heavily on the political and philosophical experience of ancient Greece in forming our Government. For that contribution alone we owe a great debt to the Greeks.
In the American colonial period, during the formative years of what would be our great Republic, no feature was more prominent than the extent to which Greek and Roman sources were cited by the framers of the Constitution. The very basis of our Constitution derives from Aristotle and was put into practice in ancient Rome, in 18th-century England and in the early State constitutions, before it was given its national embodiment by the Convention of 1787.
The overriding appreciation was for Aristotle's sense of balance, since the Delegates viewed the tyrant and the mob as equally dangerous. Indeed, both James Madison and John Adams emphasized what Aristotle had written in ``The Politics,'' that ``the more perfect the admixture of the political elements, the more lasting will be the state.''
Through the recognition of the idea of a separation of powers, a system of checks and balances was instituted in American Government. Thus, as another of the ancient Greeks, Polybius, foresaw and wrote,
``when one part, having grown out of proportion to the others, aims at supremacy and tends to become too dominant * * * none of the three is absolute * * *.''
Our Founding Fathers were eager to relate the American experiment to the efforts of the ancient Greeks to establish a balance of powers. Such a relationship, it was hoped by the framers, would permit America to escape the disintegration of Government that had proven inevitably fatal to other political systems throughout history.
It is the example of the ancient Greeks that we celebrate each March 25, that and the return of democracy to
[[Page H3801]] Greece on this day of glory for the Greek people. The spirit of democracy and of this day lives on in the defense of the principles for which so many of the free world's citizens have given their lives.
Mr. Speaker, today we celebrate together with Greece in order to reaffirm the democratic heritage that our two nations share so closely. These principles are not uniquely Greek or American, but they are our promise to the world--and they form a legacy that we cherish and have a responsibility to protect and defend.
Moving now to another current event of consequence. The Greek-
Orthodox faith faces yet another potentially explosive situation. Recently, there have been successive terrorist attempts to desecrate and destroy the premise of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in the Fanar area of Istanbul [Constantinople], in Turkey.
On the night of March 30, 1994, three bombs were discovered in the building where the Patriarch--the first among equals in the Orthodox Church and the spiritual center for more than 250,000,000 Orthodox Christians worldwide--lives.
Fortunately, the bombs were discovered before any harm was done to the Patriarchate. However, since that time, the Patriarchate has received no further protection from Turkish officials. Turkish officials have also been lackadaisical in investigating who the perpetrators are that planted those explosives.
Therefore, I plan to introduce legislation that would express the Sense of the Congress that the United States should use its influence with the Turkish Government as a permanent Member of the United Nations Security Council to suggest that the Turkish Government ensure the proper protection for the Patriarchate and all Orthodox faithful residing in Turkey.
Furthermore, my bill asks the Turkish Government to do everything possible to find and punish the perpetrators of any proactive and terrorist act against the Patriarchate.
I would ask all of my colleagues who believe in the first amendment's freedom of religion, to sign on to this very important bill of particular interest to the more than five million orthodox faithful that reside in the United States.
``Democracy,'' in the words of the American clergyman Harry Emerson Fosdick, ``is based upon the conviction that there are extraordinary possibilities in ordinary people.'' It calls upon each and every one of us to rise above ourselves, to understand that freedom requires sacrifices both large and small and to recognize that the common man is capable or magnificently uncommon actions.
The people of Greece in the early years of the last century were certainly common, ordinary people who rose to extraordinary, uncommon actions. They are to be saluted and thanked again and again.
Thank you.
Mr. SCHUMER. Mr. Speaker, I rise before you today to bring to your attention to the importance of Greek Independence Day tomorrow, March 25. Greek Independence Day is an important day in our Nation not only to those of the Greek heritage, but to all Americans. This day commemorates the unique bond Greeks share in our commitment to democracy. The democracy that originated in Greece 2,500 years ago was the inspiration of our Founding Fathers when creating our democratic system. As James Madison and Alexander Hamilton wrote,
Among the confederacies of antiquity the most considerable was that of the Grecian republics . . . From the best accounts transmitted of this celebration institution analogy to the present confederation of the American states.
As Members of Congress, serving in this body born out of Greek ideals, Greek Independence Day will be a celebration of our common bond to liberty and freedom. To this day my constituents of Greek descent are proud of the influence their heritage has had on this country-and so am I.
It is very appropriate as we salute Greece's past that we also salute the strong bonds between us in the present and future. Greece and the Untied States have developed close ties, as members of both NATO and the European Community. Greek civilization is alive; it moves in every breath of mind that we breathe; so much of it that none of us in one lifetime can absorb it all.
March 25th marks the 174th anniversary of the revolution which freed the Greek people from the Ottoman Empire. Let us continue to celebrate the independence of a nation that has contributed so much to our country.
Mr. ENGEL. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in observance of Greek Independence Day, commemorated this Sunday, March 25, 1995. I am proud to join the millions of people of Greek heritage around the world in commemorating the 174th anniversary of the freeing of Greece from the Ottoman Empire. I also stand today to express pride in celebrating the common bond that links our two peoples together--the commitment to democracy and love of freedom.
As Thomas Jefferson said, ``* * * to the ancient Greeks * * * we are all indebted for the light which led ourselves out of Gothic darkness.'' For indeed, ancient Greece gave birth to the ideals of democracy that guided our Nation. Our Founding Fathers nurtured those same ideals to build stable democratic society founded on justice and equality. In turn, the United States provided inspiration to Greece during its own valiant struggle for freedom in the 1820s. Our Declaration of Independence served as a model for Greece's own Declaration of Independence.
Greece is a valued member of the international community, of NATO and of the European Union. It is one of only three nations, beyond the former British Empire, in the world that has supported the United States in every major international conflict in this century. Over 600,000 Greeks died fighting on the side of the Allies in World War II. We remember them today for their valiant struggle against fascism and their later battle against communist expansion.
Today, as the tragedy in the Balkan region continues, it is important that the United States and Greece take that same cooperative action they took to defend the world from the enemies of freedom and democracy 50 years ago. Once again, our two countries must work together, this time, to end the violence in the former Yugoslavia and promote lasting peace.
On this historic Greek Independence Day, I urge you, my colleagues, to join me in paying tribute to the contributions of individuals of Greek heritage to the American cultural mosaic and to the world. Let us celebrate the success of our past efforts together and ensure that they will continue well into the future.
Mr. PORTER. Mr. Speaker, as many of my colleagues know, I feel very strongly that, in the wake of the cold war, the United States must remain engaged overseas and exercise our new status as the only remaining superpower to promote our values of democracy, human rights, rule of law, and free markets to the far corners of the globe. As telecommunications and transportation systems grow faster and cheaper and international trade becomes more and more important in our economy, it becomes increasingly evident that our Nation has strong interests overseas that need to be addressed and nurtured rather than ignored.
In this period when our former rival, the Soviet Union, lies shattered into pieces and greatly weakened militarily and economically, it is easy to be tempted to forget the importance of our close allies around the world and take for granted our good relations with traditionally friendly nations. During World War II and the darkest days of the cold war, some nations stood side by side with the U.S. against the forces of totalitarianism.
Greece is one of these nations. Greece and the United States have had excellent diplomatic relations for over 150 years and, as others have mentioned here today, Greece is one of only three nations allied with the U.S. in every major conflict in the 20th century. The people of Greece and the United States also share many values in common. As nearly every Member in this Chamber knows, Greek-Americans are a vibrant and integral part of the American fabric who are active role models in their communities.
I join with my colleagues in celebrating the 174th anniversary of the independence of Greece from the Ottoman Empire. This day has been billed as a ``National Day of Celebration of Greek and American Democracy'' and it truly is a celebration of the bond between the two nations. During the Greek War for Independence--begun a mere 45 years after the American colonists declared independence in Philadelphia--the Greek freedom fighters tool inspiration for an understandable source, the U.S. Declaration of Independence, which is reported to have been circulating freely among the Greek troops. In many ways, the drafting of the Declaration of Independence and the emergence of democracy in North America in 1776 is a continuation of the process begun in the agora at the foot on the acropolis over 2,000 years ago. Both the Greek and American societies have, and continue to, draw inspiration and strength from each other.
Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Florida [Mr. Bilirakis], for calling this special order and I am pleased to extend my congratulations to the people of Greece and the Greek diaspora. I urge all Members to take
[[Page H3802]] the opportunity to reflect on the history of democracy and to also reflect on the future of democracy and America's obligation to promote government by the people the world over rather than stepping back at this important point.
Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN. Mr. Speaker, for Greek-Americans and those who practice the Greek Orthodox faith, I rise in their honor to join in the commemoration of the 174th anniversary of Greek Independence Day.
Our mutual respect for freedom and liberty for all mankind dates back to the late 18th century when our Founding Fathers looked to ancient Greece for direction on writing our own Constitution. Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson persuaded a noted Greek scholar, John Paradise, to come to the United States for consultation on the political philosophy of democracy. Later, the Greeks adopted the American Declaration of Independence as their own, sealing a bond which has endured between our two Nations ever since.
Tomorrow, March 25, marks the date when in 1821, the Greek people rose against four centuries of Ottoman rule. Under the leadership of Alexander Ypsilanti, for 8 years, the Greek people fought valiantly in pursuit of freedom and self-rule. In 1827, allied forces finally lent support, and in 1829, not only did they defeat the Turkish forces, but they also gained recognized independence by the very oppressive power they overthrew.
The Greek people continued their struggle against the threat of nondemocratic regimes into the 20th century. At the height of World War II, when Nazi forces appeared to soon overrun Europe, the Greek people fought courageously on behalf of the rest of the world--at a cost of a half a million lives. Prime Minister Winston Churchill declared: ``In ancient days it was said that Greeks fight like heroes, now we must say that heroes fight like Greeks.''
During the Truman administration, the United States finally realized Greece's unwavering commitment to democracy. President Truman, recognizing this commitment, included Greece in his economic and military assistance program--the Truman doctrine. And, in 1952, Greece joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, which was later tested when Russia threatened to crush the Acropolis unless Greece abandon the alliance. Greece stood firm.
Mr. Speaker, tomorrow marks Greek's accomplishment as an independent Nation and, more importantly, this day symbolizes their continued defense of democracy which thought first began in 510 B.C.--in Athens.
I am grateful for the opportunity to join in observing this very important celebration. Tomorrow I will remember where our own democratic principles were derived, and I will honor the countless, invaluable contributions Greek-Americans brought to this country. The more than 700,000 Greeks who have come here, have benefitted us with a stronger, civilized and more cultured heritage. Mr. Speaker, I salute Greek-Americans for their outstanding achievements.
Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, 174 years ago today, the Greek people began their revolution in pursuit of independence from the Ottoman Empire. In doing so, just as our Founding Fathers looked to the ancient Greek democracy in establishing our own form of government, Greek intellectuals translated our own Declaration of Independence and used it as their own as they pursued freedom.
Over the years, Greece and the United States have been close allies. In fact, Greece has been allied with the United States in every major international conflict in this century. During World War II, fully 9 percent of the Greek population--over 600,000 dedicated individuals--
fought and died in pursuit of the Allied cause. Likewise, as the Greek people fought Communist rebels after that war, the American people were committed to their success.
Our relationship over the years is clear proof of the strength both of democracy and of alliances of free peoples. And our ties have added immensely to world culture and knowledge. All Americans have benefited by the contributions of our Greek-American friends. Thanks to Dr. George Papnicolaou, lives have been saved because of the Pap test which he developed. Thanks to Dr. George Kotzias, suffers of Parkinson's disease have found help in L-dopa. Thanks to Maria Callas, we have all been blessed by the beauty of exceptional musical talent. And, thanks to many Greek-American leaders, this Nation of ours is a better land than it would otherwise have been.
As we recognize this special occasion, let us all join together in support of a strong and secure Greece. Our two democracies have nurtured one another at times of stress and our cultures have enriched each other in many ways over the years. Today, as in years past, I pledge my full effort to maintain the ties which have served both of our Nations so well. I urge every American to join in this celebration of freedom, democracy and friendship between Greece and our own United States.
Mr. PALLONE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Greek Independence Day, and I wish to thank my colleague from Florida [Mr. Bilirakis] for organizing this tribute to the long history of friendship and shared values between Greece and America. Indeed, Mr. Speaker, it is difficult to imagine what life in America, and throughout the Western world, would be like if it hadn't been for the genius of the first Western society: Greece. Clearly, our own society would be much poorer if it were not for the influences of the many sons and daughters of Greece who have come to this country and made such lasting contributions in so many fields.
When our country's founding fathers created our system of government, they turned to the ancient Greeks' philosophy of democracy. In a speech made well over 2,000 years ago, Pericles stated, ``Our Constitution is called a democracy because power is in the hands not of a minority but of the whole people.'' This concept is the underlying foundation of our Nation's Government.
Not only did the Greeks provide us with our Government's overarching fundamental concepts, but they also helped our Nation battle and ultimately defeat communism. Between the years of 1944 and 1949, Moscow, along with Communist Yugoslavia, attempted to take over Greece. United States support and Greek determination crushed the Communist takeover. Had it not been for the defeat of the Communist regime, the former Soviet Union would have gained access to and domination of vital Middle East oil supplies. Our Greek NATO ally played a critical role in ending the Communists' dictatorial reign in Europe.
The arts and humanities provide one of the most visible areas to witness the Greek influence on our society. One only needs to visit a museum or art exhibit to discover how ancient Greek art flourishes, thousands of years after its creation. If one goes to the theater, one can observe how our plays of today borrow heavily from the dramatic conventions established so many years ago by the ancient Greeks.
Mr. Speaker, Greek-Americans have provided substantial contributions to our society. In the medical profession, for example, Dr. George Kotzias discovered L-dopa to help fight Parkinson's disease, and Dr. George Papanicolaou developed the Pap test for cancer. In the world of sports, Pete Sampras, a Greek-American tennis champion, has thrilled millions of fans the world over with the brilliant, fast-paced play that puts him at the very top of the game. But, beyond recognizing the celebrities--and there are many, many more--I would like to pay tribute to the millions of people of Greek descent who have enriched our society with their hard work and commitment to family. They are the real heroes, living in every part of our country.
Mr. Speaker, I am proud to participate in the celebration of Greek Independence Day. The Greeks have given much to our society and surely must be recognized for their achievements and influences.
Mr. TORRICELLI. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in celebration of Greek Independence Day, which will take place tomorrow, March 25, 1995. Greek Independence Day is a national day of celebration of Greek and American democracy.
This day marks the 17th anniversary of the beginning of the revolution which freed the Greek people from the Ottoman Empire. The Greeks were finally liberated after years of oppressive treatment and civil rights violations. Their communities were slowly deteriorating; schools and churches were being closed down, and Christian and Jewish boys were kidnapped and raised as Moslems to serve the Sultan.
Greece is one of only three nations in the world allied with the United States in every major international conflict this century. During the early 1900's, one in every four Greek males between the ages of 15 and 45 departed for the United States. Through their extraordinary compatibility with the people of America, Greek-Americans became very successful in the United States.
The American Revolution became one of the ideals of the Greeks as they fought for their independence in the 1820's. Greek intellectuals translated our Declaration of Independence and used it as their own declaration. The second generation of Greek-Americans currently rank at the top among American ethnic nationalities regarding their median educational attainment.
In 1953, after Greece's post-World War II struggle against the Communist rebels, President Dwight D. Eisenhower appropriately said:
. . . Greece asked no favor except the opportunity to stand for those rights which it believed, and it gave to the world an example of battle, a battle that thrilled the hearts of all free men and free women everywhere.
Mr. Speaker, as a supporter of issues of concern in the Greek-
American community, I am proud to recognize this population and their interests. Greek civilization touches our lives as Americans, and enhances the cultural existence of this great Nation.
Mr. CRANE. Mr. Speaker, it is, indeed, a pleasure and an honor to join in this commemoration of Greek Independence Day: A National Day of Celebration of Greek and American Democracy.
It is fitting that the House of Representatives is the scene for this observance, as this Chamber is an arm of the Government which leads the world in guaranteeing freedom for its citizens. And, it was ancient Greece which really invented democracy--giving to the people the true power to govern themselves.
Saturday, March 25, mark the 174th anniversary of the beginning of the revolution that freed the Greek people from the Ottoman Empire. What could be more appropriate than for the United States to observe that occasion with Greece. It is a time to again rejoice in the democratic heritage which links our two nations.
As our Founding Fathers successfully drew up the Constitution for this country--a document which has never been equalled in the over two centuries which have passed since its signing--they had a historic outline to work from. That outline was provided by the leaders of ancient Greece who succeeded in defining and granting freedom to their people.
Our friendship has been linked not only by our democratic foundations, but by the blood the soldiers of each country shed as they joined to fight common enemies in both World War I and World War II.
May these two great nations continue their friendship and may their citizens continue to enjoy the freedom that has been theirs for almost two centuries in the case of Greece, and for over two centuries for our own Nation.
Mr. REED. Mr. Speaker, on March 25, 1821, Greek patriots declared their independence from the Ottoman Empire. The 174 years that have passed since that important day have tested the Greek people, as the whole world has also been tested by those who seek to dominate free men and women and crush the human spirit.
However, throughout the centuries it could always be said that the valor, courage, and love of freedom by the Greek people has never waned.
The defense of independence by Greeks has always been a constant in the world, but in the years since the Founding of America, another truth has emerged in the history of Greek people. * * * and that is the special relationship between the United States and Greece.
There are an estimated 3 million Greek-Americans living in the United States today. From the boardroom, to the operating room, from the halls of Government to the halls of academia, Greek-Americans have made a significant contribution to all aspects of American culture. The positive contribution made by Greek-Americans to American society has been especially true in my home State of Rhode Island, where a proud and prosperous Greek-American community has helped enrich the lives of all the citizens of our State.
In recognition of Greek Independence Day, I wish to extend my deepest respect and warmest congratulations to all Greek-Americans and all the citizens of Greece.
Mr. MANTON. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to rise today to join my colleague, Mr. Bilirakis, in celebrating Greek Independence Day. Today we celebrate the lasting tradition of Greek and American friendship and democracy.
Mr. Speaker, March 25, 1995, will mark the 175th anniversary of the beginning of the revolution which freed the people of Greece from nearly 400 years of the oppressive and suffocating rule of the Ottoman Empire. We as Americans, as well as each of the new and older democracies of the world, owe much to the country of Greece because of their important role in fostering the freedom and democracy we know today.
The relationship between Greece and the United States is one based on mutual respect and admiration. The democratic principles used by our Founding Fathers to frame our Constitution were born in ancient Greece. In turn, our Founding Fathers and the American Revolution served as ideals for the Greek people when they began their modern fight for independence in the 1820's. The Greeks translated the United States Declaration of Independence into their own language so they, too, could share the same freedoms of the United States.
Mr. Speaker, in modern times, the relationship between the Greeks and the United States has only grown stronger. Greece is one of only three nations in the world that has allied with the United States in every major international conflict this century. More than 600,000 Greek soldiers died fighting against the Axis Powers in World War II. After World War II, the Greek soldiers returned to their homefront to again defend their democratic foundation from the threat of Communist rebels. Fortunately, democracy prevailed and Greece emerged the strong and victorious nation it is today.
Mr. Speaker, on this occasion commemorating the strong relationship between the United States and Greece, I would like to urge my colleagues to join me in cosponsoring House Concurrent Resolution 31 introduced by Congresswoman Maloney. This legislation supports the country of Greece in its efforts to bring about peace within the neighboring former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.
Mr. Speaker, in honor of Greek Independence Day, I celebrate the strong and lasting bond between the people of the United States and Greece. I urge my colleagues to join me on this special day in paying tribute to the wisdom of the ancient Greeks, the friendship of modern Greece, and the important contributions Greek-Americans have made in the United States and throughout the world.
Mr. FAZIO. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased as always to rise in support of our annual special order in recognition of Greek Independence Day.
Democracy eluded Greece and its people for nearly 400 years--from the fall of Constantinople in 1453, until Greece declared its independence in 1821, and finally gained its freedom from the Ottoman empire nearly 10 years later. Yet, it is in Greece where democracy--the people's government--was born. As the poet, Percy Bysshe Shelley declared, ``We are all Greeks. Our laws, our literature, our religion, our art, have their roots in Greece.'' And as Thomas Jefferson noted, ``* * * to the ancient Greeks * * * we are all indebted for the light which led ourselves out of Gothic darkness.''
Greek Independence Day is a tribute to the courage, determination and perseverance of the Greek people, and to their love of and commitment to freedom and democracy. It is a symbol of the mutual respect and shared values between our two countries. On this day we are reminded of our own indebtedness to Greece, the birthplace of democracy.
I commend my colleague, the distinguished gentleman from Florida [Mr. Bilirakis], for calling this special order, and I thank my colleagues for their involvement.
Ms. PELOSI. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank my colleague from Florida, Mr. Bilirakis, for calling this special order tonight to commemorate Greek Independence Day.
On Saturday, March 25, we will celebrate Greek Independence Day--a national day of celebration of Greek and American democracy. This date marks the 174th anniversary of the revolution which ultimately resulted in Greece's independence from the shackles of the Ottoman empire.
On this occasion, it is fitting to reflect on the important bonds between our two countries. Just as the writings of Plato and Aristotle served to inspire our Founding Fathers during the American Revolution, Greek patriots fighting for their independence during the 1820's were equally inspired by Jefferson, Madison, and George Washington.
Greece's contributions in the fields of culture, drama, arts, architecture, and philosophy have led the world. In addition, as Atlanta prepares for the 1996 Olympiad, we should remember Greece as the birthplace of the modern Olympic games.
In my district of San Francisco, the contributions of the Greek-
American community are a vital part of my city's diverse community. I am proud of the Greek community's successful participation in all facets of American life.
Again I thank my colleague, Mr. Bilirakis, for calling this special order and join him in recognizing the 174th anniversary of Greek Independence Day.
Mr. BATEMAN. Mr. Speaker, today marks the 174th anniversary of the declaration of Greek independence from the Ottoman empire. It is with great pleasure that I salute the Greek people and join in the celebration and remembrance of this day.
Ages ago, Greek culture began as Indo-European migrants settled among the people of Minoan and Mycenean civilizations. Out of this diversity came a dynamic people whose culture has been a bright spark of innovation and creativity upon the stage of human history.
Among its great accomplishments, Greece led the world for more than three millennium with its cultural innovation, intellectual pursuits and scientific inquiry. From homeric tradition to Alexander, through the birth of the Socratic method, Aristotelian logic and countless artistic and architectural endeavors, the Greek people have left an indelible impression on mankind.
Of all the contributions Greece made toward the betterment of the human race, the most enduring achievement has been democracy. Majority rule with full respect for the rights of the minority, indeed the basic concept of inherent equality of all people before the law were revolutionary concepts in the organizing of society and human civilization. From the Greek example, our forefathers chose democracy among all other political structures to be the basis of our country. Inspired by our success, the patriots of 19th century Greece looked to our constitution as they created their
[[Page H3804]] own and declared independence from the Ottoman empire in 1821.
Our two countries share in embracing and nurturing an idea instrumental in bringing freedom and prosperity to mankind. We take great pleasure in wishing the Greek people well, and join in their celebration on this, the 174th anniversary of their independence and freedom.
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