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“SENATE RESOLUTION 351--RESPONDING TO THE THREAT POSED BY IRAN'S NUCLEAR PROGRAM” mentioning the U.S. Dept of State was published in the Senate section on pages S139 on Jan. 25, 2006.
The publication is reproduced in full below:
SENATE RESOLUTION 351--RESPONDING TO THE THREAT POSED BY IRAN'S NUCLEAR
PROGRAM
Mr. BAYH submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations:
S. Res. 351
Whereas Iran is precipitating a grave nuclear crisis with the international community that directly impacts the national security of the United States and the efficacy of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, done at Washington, London, and Moscow July 1, 1968, and entered into force March 5, 1970 (commonly referred to as the ``Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty'');
Whereas the United States welcomes a diplomatic solution to the nuclear crisis, but the Government of Iran continues to reject a peaceful resolution to the matter;
Whereas, although the Government of Iran agreed to suspend uranium enrichment activities and to sign and ratify the IAEA's Additional Protocol on expansive, intrusive no-notice inspections in 2003, it has repeatedly failed to live up to its obligations under this agreement;
Whereas the Government of Iran broke IAEA seals on some centrifuges in September 2004, converted uranium to a gas needed for enrichment in May 2005, limited IAEA inspectors to a few sites, and said it would restart uranium conversion activities;
Whereas the Board of Governors of the IAEA declared in September 2005 that Iran was in non-compliance of its Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty obligations;
Whereas Iran announced on January 3, 2006, that it would resume uranium ``research'' activities at Natanz and invited IAEA to witness the breaking of IAEA seals at the facility;
Whereas the Government of Iran has acknowledged deceiving the IAEA for the past 18 years for not disclosing an uranium enrichment facility in Natanz and a heavy water production plant in Arak;
Whereas the Government of Iran's human rights practices and strict limits on democracy have been consistently criticized by United Nations reports;
Whereas the Department of State stated in its most recent Country Reports on Human Rights Practices that Iran's already poor human rights record ``worsened'' during the previous year and deemed Iran a country ``of particular concern'' in its most recent International Religious Freedom Report;
Whereas the Government of Iran funds terror and rejectionist groups in Gaza and the West Bank, Lebanon, Iraq, and Afghanistan and is providing material support to groups directly involved in the killing of United States citizens;
Whereas Iran has been designated by the United States as a state sponsor of terrorism since 1984, and the Department of State said in its most recent Country Reports on Terrorism that Iran ``remained the most active state sponsor of terrorism in 2004'';
Whereas President of Iran Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has made repeated anti-American and anti-semitic statements, including denying the occurrence of the Holocaust and Israel's right to exist, and called on people to imagine a world without the United States;
Whereas Iran's recent acquisition of new anti-ship capabilities to block the Strait of Hormuz at the entrance to the Persian Gulf and the decision by the Government of Russia to sell the Government of Iran $1,000,000,000 in weapons, mostly for 29 antiaircraft missile systems, is most regrettable and should dampen United States-Russian relations;
Whereas the behavior of the Government of Iran does not reflect that country's rich history and the democratic aspirations of most people in Iran;
Whereas the people of the United States stand with the people of Iran in support of democracy, the rule of law, religious freedom, and regional and global stability;
Whereas, although Iran is subject to a range of unilateral sanctions and some third country and foreign entities sanctions, these sanctions have not been fully implemented;
Whereas Iran remains vulnerable to international sanctions, especially with respect to financial services and foreign investment in its petroleum sector and oil sales, few foreign nations have joined the United States in attempting to isolate the regime in Iran and compel compliance with Iran's international obligations;
Whereas, although Iran may be one of the world's largest exporters of oil, it does not have the refining capacity to make the gasoline necessary to make its economy run and currently imports 40 percent of its refined gasoline from abroad;
Whereas more complete implementation of United States sanctions laws and the adoption of additional statutes would improve the chances of a diplomatic solution to the nuclear crisis with Iran;
Whereas President George W. Bush has for 4 years given too little attention to the growing nuclear problem in Iran beyond rhetorical sound bites and has carried out an Iran policy consisting of loud denunciations followed by minimal action and ultimate deference of managing the crisis to Europe, a policy that has been riddled with contradiction and inconsistency and damaging to United States national security;
Whereas, had President Bush effectively marshaled world opinion in 2002 and not wasted valuable time, diverted resources, and ignored the problem in Iran, the United States would not be faced with the full extent of the current nuclear crisis in Iran;
Whereas action now is imperative and time is of the essence; and
Whereas the opportunity the United States has to avoid the choice between military action and a nuclear Iran may be measured only in months: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate that--
(1) the United States should cut assistance to countries whose companies are investing in Iran's energy sector, including pipelines to export Iranian crude;
(2) supplies of refined gasoline to Iran should be cut off;
(3) there should be a worldwide, comprehensive ban on sales of weapons to Iran, including from Russia and China;
(4) the United Nations Security Council should impose an intrusive IAEA-led weapons of mass destruction inspection regime on Iran similar to that imposed on Iraq after the 1991 Persian Gulf war;
(5) the United Nations Security Council should adopt reductions in diplomatic exchanges with Iran, limit travel by some Iranian officials, and limit or ban sports or cultural exchanges with Iran;
(6) the President should more faithfully implement the Iran and Libya Sanctions Act of 1996 (50 U.S.C. 1701 note)
(commonly known as ``ILSA''), and Congress should--
(A) increase the requirements on the President to justify waiving ILSA-related sanctions;
(B) repeal the sunset provision of ILSA;
(C) set a 90-day time limit for the President to determine whether an investment constitutes a violation of ILSA; and
(D) make exports to Iran of technology related to weapons of mass destruction sanctionable under ILSA;
(7) the United States should withdraw its support for Iran's accession to the WTO until Iran meets weapons of mass destruction, human rights, terrorism, and regional stability standards; and
(8) the United States must make the Government of Iran understand that if its nuclear activity continues it will be treated as a pariah state.
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