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“H.R. 4681, THE PALESTINIAN ANTI-TERRORISM ACT OF 2006” mentioning the U.S. Dept of State was published in the Extensions of Remarks section on pages E792-E793 on May 10, 2006.
The publication is reproduced in full below:
H.R. 4681, THE PALESTINIAN ANTI-TERRORISM ACT OF 2006
______
HON. JIM McDERMOTT
of washington
in the house of representatives
Wednesday, May 10, 2006
Mr. McDERMOTT. Mr. Speaker, it is not very often that Jim McDermott rises to support this President, but that is precisely what I am doing now. The President does not want his hands tied by H.R. 4681. I completely agree. It was taken off the calendar today, and it ought to stay off the calendar.
H.R. 4681, the Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act of 2006, will not make Israel safer, will not meet the urgent humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people, and will not give our diplomats the tools they need to help find a path to peace in the Mideast.
For all of these reasons, I oppose it, and I urge my colleagues to reconsider. I believe in diplomacy as a means to correct injustice around the world. I believe gifted diplomats can accomplish as much with words and deeds as the military can with guns and soldiers.
There is no question that the United States must take all appropriate steps to ensure that terrorists like Hamas are denied access to our financial aid. Hamas is responsible for the deaths of hundreds of innocent Israelis before coming to power.
Since then, they have neither renounced violence nor recognized Israel. This is unacceptable.
By all means, we must deny Hamas dollars that would buy hatred, but we must remember that Hamas and the Palestinian people are not one and the same.
Even as we deny any and all assistance to Hamas, we must not hurt those Palestinians who are working for peace. If we fail to support them, I have no doubt that Israel will pay the ultimate price: more instability in the West Bank and Gaza, more desperation, and more terrorism.
America's leadership is on the line in the Middle East, and more instability is something we need to avoid. We still have 130,000 American soldiers in harm's way in Iraq; we can't afford to make any more poor choices related to that region. But, that's what we will do if we pass this bill.
It doesn't make sense for the United States to limit political and economic aid to moderates, like Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.
He and others have met our requirements by recognizing Israel, renouncing violence and terrorism against Israel, and accepting all previously signed Israeli-Palestinian agreements. What happens if we turn our back on leaders trying to heal a millennium of hate?
And what can we expect if we turn our backs on the real and growing humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people? It doesn't make sense to put restrictions on funding the NGOs that provide the Palestinian people with hospitals and schools.
As a medical doctor, I am gravely concerned about the fate of millions of innocent Palestinians who rely on international aid for food, health care, and for developing their economy and businesses.
Recent news reports say that international sanctions are preventing hospitals in Gaza from providing dialysis machines for patients, and they may not be able to supply immunizations to children.
The World Health Organization sees a ``rapid decline of the public health system . . . towards a possible collapse.'' This bill will only make the already dire situation even worse. As a doctor I took an oath to heal. As a nation, we took an oath to lead.
Allowing innocent Palestinians to go hungry, while denying them medical treatment cannot possibly correct injustice, or lead to peace.
Passing this bill will be seen as anti-Palestinian, and the resulting chaos and animosity can only threaten the relative calm that Israel has seen in recent months.
Many of the Israeli leaders I've spoken to, think this bill goes too far by punishing all Palestinians, not just Hamas. They understand that a radicalized population will show more support for Hamas, not less.
During a recent trip to Israel and the Palestinian territories, I saw how both sides deeply yearn for peace. And I saw firsthand how they need the United States to do all it can to help them make peace.
The Palestinian Anti-Terrorism Act will make this task enormously difficult.
The harsh restrictions, and cutting off contacts with moderate Palestinians, will severely complicate our ability to assume an active role in helping both sides resolve the conflict.
If we cannot engage with moderates, and those trying to develop the Palestinian economy and build civil society, we forfeit our ability to nurture and strengthen the positive elements in Palestine.
The President and State Department must have the utmost flexibility to help moderate Palestinians, to quickly get economic and humanitarian aid to places that need it, like hospitals and health clinics, and helps prevent the resumption of terrorism.
We need to isolate and weaken Hamas, and hopefully their tenure at the head of the PA will be a short one. But if we cannot distinguish between Hamas and the majority of the Palestinian people, we cannot possibly expect to have a role in creating what comes next.
Israelis and Palestinians realize that in the end, their fates are tied. It's time to help the majorities on both sides reach their mutual goal--a peaceful two-state solution--rather than standing in the way by punishing one side.
While the bill has been pulled from the calendar, that's only temporary. I urge the majority to leave it off the table indefinitely.
Give our State Department an opportunity to nurture peace, or we will surely have to ask our military to counter more terrorism.
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