The Congressional Record is a unique source of public documentation. It started in 1873, documenting nearly all the major and minor policies being discussed and debated.
“RUSSIA” mentioning the U.S. Dept of State was published in the Senate section on pages S1047-S1048 on Feb. 7, 2005.
The publication is reproduced in full below:
RUSSIA
Mr. FEINGOLD. Mr. President, over the past several years, we have witnessed a disturbing erosion in Russia's democracy. Checks and balances, essential to the functioning of any democracy, have been undermined in Russia through the elimination of the independent media, the weakening of the judiciary, and the decline of a political opposition and citizen participation.
In his inauguration speech, President Bush spoke about the ``force of human freedom'' and stated that it is the policy of the United States
``to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.''
But, the President has been unable to capitalize on his friendship with President Putin to prevent a backsliding in Russia's democracy. While President Putin speaks about his commitment to move down the path of democracy, his actions demonstrate otherwise.
From 2000 until the present day, President Putin has tightened his grip on Russia, increasing the authoritarian nature of the Russian state. While many Russian experts understand that President Putin inherited a state mired in corruption and political violence, and dominated by powerful, unaccountable oligarchs, they have called Putin's approach to establishing security ``flawed and unfair.'' A Washington Post article in March 2004 described how fear was creeping back into Russia, reminiscent of the Soviet Union. A week before the Russian Presidential election in 2004, the article states:
Scholars, journalists, reformist politicians, human rights activists and even business moguls describe an atmosphere of anxiety that has left them wary of crossing the Kremlin.
The imprisonment of Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Russia's richest man and an oil tycoon, the disappearances of critics of Putin, as well as the flawed parliamentary elections in 2003, have been disturbing signs for those who care about democracy in Russia.
The U.S. State Department in its Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 2003 raise concerns over human rights abuses committed by the Government of Russia in Chechnya, as well as by Chechen rebels, the failure of the 2003 parliamentary elections to meet international standards, the impunity of law enforcement officials responsible for abuses, poor prison conditions, and a weakening of freedom of expression and the independence and freedom of some media. In the global survey, ``Freedom in the World,'' published by Freedom House in December 2004, Russia was downgraded to ``Not Free,'' the only country to register a negative category change in 2004.
On all fronts, Russia's democracy appears to be weakening. In January 2002, the last significant independent Moscow TV station was shut down, many believe due to government pressure. Furthermore, radio and print media have increasingly been restricted. It was widely reported that during the parliamentary elections of 2003, television coverage was heavily biased toward the propresidency party, largely ignoring or criticizing Putin's opponents. In May 2004, the nongovernmental organization, the Committee to Protect Journalists, CPJ, named Russia one of the 10 worst places to be a journalist. CPJ states:
A shift from blatant pressures to more subtle and covert tactics, such as politicized lawsuits and hostile corporate takeovers by businessmen with close ties to Putin, has allowed the Kremlin to stifle criticism of the president and reports on government corruption and human rights abuses committed by Russian forces in Chechnya.
Furthermore, they note that journalists in Russia's provinces are murdered with impunity.
As President Putin moves from ``managed democracy'' to soft authoritarianism, Freedom House, Human Rights Watch, and others argue that Putin appears to be cracking down on civil society, a vital element of any thriving democracy. In May 2004, Putin used his state-
of-the-nation speech to attack nongovernmental organizations, NGOs, accusing them of ``receiving financing from influential foreign foundations and serving dubious groups and commercial interests.'' The very real need to stop terrorist financing through charities or other organizations does not justify targeting legitimate civic groups and NGOs. Following Putin's state-of-the-nation speech, masked intruders ransacked the office of a major human rights organization in Tatarstan that provides legal support for victims of torture. In addition, the state-owned Center TV criticized NGOs, accusing them of being tied to anti-Russian interests. And, in June 2004, Russia's Foreign Minister met with several NGOs and urged them to rebut criticisms of the Council of Europe regarding Russia's human rights policies.
Russia's judicial system is also believed to be far from independent, failing to serve as a counterweight to other branches of government. Human Rights Watch has expressed concern that the government under President Putin has conducted ``selective criminal prosecutions against perceived opponents . . . and scientists working with foreigners on sensitive topics.'' President Putin has proposed establishing executive control over the nomination of members of a key supreme court body that supervises the hiring and dismissal of judges. Furthermore, despite progress in implementing trial by jury, the Putin government appears to have manipulated jury selection in several high-profile cases or otherwise tried to influence jury deliberations.
Chechnya continues to be an area of particular concern. While Russia has the right to combat terrorist threats on its territory, Russian and proxy forces regularly violate basic human rights of Chechen civilians. Disappearances, extrajudicial executions, rape, and torture of detainees all continue with disturbing frequency and with absolute impunity. Russian forces regularly conduct sweeps and cleansing operations, resulting in death, injury and abductions in what many call a . disproportionate use of force. These human rights abuses must end and those responsible should be held accountable.
Since President Putin's reelection in March 2004, he has taken more steps to exert control over the state. In September 2004, following the tragic deaths of 330 people in Beslan, half of whom were children, President Putin undertook a set of political reforms that concentrated power in Moscow and decreased the power of Russia's regions. He proposed that regional governors no longer be popularly elected but instead be appointed by the President and ratified by regional legislatures. Legislation to this effect was introduced in October 2004 and signed into law by President Putin on December 12, 2004. Putin also decided that all Duma deputies be elected on the basis of national party lists, based on the proportion of votes each party gets nationwide. As Human Rights Watch states in its recent World Report 2005:
The proposals would give the president de facto power to appoint governors, even more sway over the parliament, or State Duma, and increase the executive's influence over the judiciary.
While it is clear that President Putin must act to confront a legitimate threat to security, a marginalization of different regions outside of Moscow may create an even greater political backlash.
President Putin faces a challenging political environment in Russia. However, human rights and political freedoms must not be ignored in an attempt to establish security; their neglect will only lead to greater political turmoil. The United States must stand by its commitment to democracy in its relations with Russia. If Russia wants to be a member of the community of democracies, it must demonstrate a meaningful commitment to democratic principles.
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