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“IT'S TIME FOR A CHANGE IN DEALING WITH SUDAN” mentioning the U.S. Dept of State was published in the Extensions of Remarks section on pages E760-E761 on May 5, 2010.
The publication is reproduced in full below:
IT'S TIME FOR A CHANGE IN DEALING WITH SUDAN
______
HON. FRANK R. WOLF
of virginia
in the house of representatives
Wednesday, May 5, 2010
Mr. WOLF. Madam Speaker, ``If President Obama is ever going to find his voice on Sudan, it had better be soon.'' These were the closing words two weeks ago of columnist Nicholas Kristof.
Having first travelled to Sudan in 1989, my interest in this country has spanned the better part of 20 years. I've been most recently in July 2004 when Senator Sam Brownback and I were the first congressional delegation to go to Darfur.
We saw the same scorched earth tactics from Khartoum in the brutal 20-year civil war with the South where 2.1 million perished.
I remain grateful for President Bush's leadership in bringing about an end to the bloodshed with the historic signing of the CPA. But that peace is now in jeopardy.
Fast forward to 2009. I was part of a bipartisan group in Congress who called for the appointment of a special envoy shortly after President Obama was elected. What was once a successful model for Sudan policy is not having the desired effect today. I am not alone in this belief.
Last week, six respected NGOs ran ads in the Washington Post calling for Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice to exercise ``personal and sustained leadership on Sudan'' in the face of a ``stalemated policy.''
Today I join the chorus of voices in calling on the President to empower Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice to take control of the languishing Sudan policy.
They should oversee quarterly deputies' meetings to ensure options for consequences are on the table. In fact, I call on the President himself to exercise leadership in this regard, consistent with the explicit campaign promises he made about Sudan, promises which to date ring hollow.
There is a pressing need for renewed, principled leadership at the highest levels--leadership which is clear-eyed about the history and the record of the internationally indicted war criminal at the helm in Khartoum.
In addition to the massive human rights abuses perpetrated by the country's leader, Bashir, Sudan remains on the State Department's list of state sponsors of terrorism. The same people currently in control in Khartoum gave safe haven to bin Laden in the early 1990's.
I believe that this administration's engagement with Sudan, under the leadership of General Gration, and with the apparent blessing of the President, has failed to recognize the true nature of Bashir and the NCP.
While the hour is late, the administration can still chart a new course.
Today, I sent a letter to the President which I submit for the record, outlining seven policy recommendations and calling for urgent action on behalf of the marginalized people of Sudan.
When the administration released its Sudan policy, Secretary Clinton indicated that benchmarks would be applied to Sudan, that progress would be assessed and that ``backsliding by any party will be met with credible pressure in the form of disincentives leveraged by our government . . . .''
But in the face of national elections that were neither free nor fair, in the face of continued violations of the U.N. arms embargo, in the face of Bashir's failure to cooperate in any way with the International Criminal Court, we've seen no ``disincentives'' applied.
This is a worst case scenario and guaranteed, if history is to be our guide, to fail.
More than 6 months have passed since the release of the administration's Sudan strategy and implementation has been insufficient at best and altogether absent at worst.
During the campaign, then candidate Obama said regarding Sudan,
``Washington must respond to the ongoing genocide and the ongoing failure to implement the CPA with consistency and strong consequences.''
These words ring true today.
But the burden for action, the weight of leadership, now rests with this President and this administration alone.
The stakes could not be higher.
I close with a slight variation on the words of Nicholas Kristof: If President Obama is ever going to find his voice on Sudan, it had better be now.
Congress of the United States,
House of Representatives,
May 5, 2010.Hon. Barack H. Obama,The President, The White House, Washington DC
Dear Mr. President: ``If President Obama is ever going to find his voice on Sudan, it had better be soon.'' These were the closing words of New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof two weeks ago. I could not agree more with his assessment of Sudan today. Time is running short. Lives hang in the balance. Real leadership is needed.
Having first travelled to Sudan in 1989, my interest and involvement in this country has spanned the better part of 20 years. I've been there five times, most recently in July 2004 when Senator Sam Brownback and I were the first congressional delegation to go to Darfur.
Tragically, Darfur is hardly an anomaly. We saw the same scorched earth tactics from Khartoum in the brutal 20-year civil war with the South where more than 2 million perished, most of whom were civilians. In September 2001, President Bush appointed former Senator John Danforth as special envoy and his leadership was in fact instrumental in securing, after two and a half years of negotiations, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), thereby bringing about an end to the war. I was at the 2005 signing of this historic accord in Kenya, as was then Secretary of State Colin Powell and Congressman Donald Payne, among others. Hopes were high for a new Sudan. Sadly, what remains of that peace is in jeopardy today. What remains of that hope is quickly fading.
I was part of a bipartisan group in Congress who urged you to appoint a special envoy shortly after you came into office, in the hope of elevating the issue of Sudan. But what was once a successful model for Sudan policy is not having the desired effect today. I am not alone in this belief.
Just last week, six respected NGOs ran compelling ads in The Washington Post and Politico calling for Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice to exercise ``personal and sustained leadership on Sudan'' in the face of a ``stalemated policy'' and waning U.S. credibility as a mediator.
In that same vein, today I join that growing chorus of voices in urging you to empower Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice to take control of the languishing Sudan policy. They should oversee quarterly deputies' meetings to ensure options for consequences are on the table.
There is a pressing and immediate need for renewed, principled leadership at the highest levels--leadership which, while recognizing the reality of the challenges facing Sudan, is clear-eyed about the history and the record of the internationally indicted war criminal at the helm in Khartoum. We must not forget who we are dealing with in Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP). In addition to the massive human rights abuses perpetrated by the Sudanese government against its own people, Sudan remains on the State Department's list of state sponsors of terrorism. It is well known that the same people currently in control in Khartoum gave safe haven to Osama bin Laden in the early 1990.
I believe that this administration's engagement with Sudan to date, under the leadership of General Gration, and with your apparent blessing, has failed to recognize the true nature of Bashir and the NCP. Any long-time Sudan follower will tell you that Bashir never keeps his promises.
The Washington Post editorial page echoed this sentiment this past weekend saying of Bashir: ``He has frequently told Western governments what they wanted to hear, only to reverse himself when their attention drifted or it was time to deliver. . . . the United States should refrain from prematurely recognizing Mr. Bashir's new claim to legitimacy. And it should be ready to respond when he breaks his word.'' Note that the word was ``when'' not ``if' he breaks his word. While the hour is late, the administration can still chart a new course.
In addition to recommending that Secretary Clinton and Ambassador Rice take the helm in implementing your administration's Sudan policy, I propose the following policy recommendations:
Move forward with the administration's stated aim of strengthening the capacity of the security sector in the South. A good starting point would be to provide the air defense system that the Government of Southern Sudan (GOSS) requested and President Bush approved in 2008. This defensive capability would help neutralize Khartoum's major tactical advantage and make peace and stability more likely following the referendum vote.
Do not recognize the outcome of the recent presidential elections. While the elections were a necessary part of the implementation of the CPA and an important step before the referendum, they were inherently flawed and Bashir is attempting to use them to lend an air of legitimacy to his genocidal rule.
Clearly and unequivocally state at the highest levels that the United States will honor the outcome of the referendum and will ensure its implementation.
Begin assisting the South in building support for the outcome of the referendum.
Appoint an ambassador or senior political appointee with the necessary experience in conflict and post-conflict settings to the U.S. consulate in Juba.
Prioritize the need for a cessation of attacks in Darfur, complete restoration of humanitarian aid including ``non-essential services,'' unfettered access for aid organizations to all vulnerable populations and increased diplomatic attention to a comprehensive peace process including a viable plan for the safe return of millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs).
When the administration released its Sudan policy last fall, Secretary Clinton indicated that benchmarks would be applied to Sudan and that progress would be assessed ``based on verifiable changes in conditions on the ground. Backsliding by any party will be met with credible pressure in the form of disincentives leveraged by our government and our international partners.'' But in the face of national elections that were neither free nor fair, in the face of continued violations of the U.N. arms embargo, in the face of Bashir's failure to cooperate in any way with the International Criminal Court, we've seen no ``disincentives'' or ``sticks'' applied. This is a worst case scenario and guaranteed, if history is to be our guide, to fail.
Many in the NGO community and in Congress cautiously expressed support for the new policy when it was released, at the same time stressing that a policy on paper is only as effective as its implementation on the ground. More than six months have passed since the release of the strategy and implementation has been insufficient at best and altogether absent at worst.
During the campaign for the presidency, you said, regarding Sudan, ``Washington must respond to the ongoing genocide and the ongoing failure to implement the CPA with consistency and strong consequences.'' These words ring true still today. Accountability is imperative. But the burden for action, the weight of leadership, now rests with you and with this administration alone. With the referendum in the South quickly approaching, the stakes could not be higher.
The marginalized people of Sudan yearn for your administration to find its voice on Sudan--and to find it now.
This is very important.
Sincerely,
Frank R. Wolf,Member of Congress.
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