The Congressional Record is a unique source of public documentation. It started in 1873, documenting nearly all the major and minor policies being discussed and debated.
“SUBMITTED RESOLUTIONS” mentioning the U.S. Dept of State was published in the Senate section on pages S2638-S2641 on April 7, 2008.
The publication is reproduced in full below:
SUBMITTED RESOLUTIONS
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SENATE RESOLUTION 504--CONDEMNING THE VIOLENCE IN TIBET AND CALLING FOR
RESTRAINT BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND THE
PEOPLE OF TIBET
Mrs. FEINSTEIN (for herself, Mr. Smith, Mr. Biden, Ms. Klobuchar, Mr. Brown, Mrs. Dole, Ms. Cantwell, Ms. Snowe, Mr. Menendez, Ms. Collins, Mr. Obama, Mr. Byrd, Mr. Voinovich, Mr. Schumer, and Mrs. Murray) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations:
S. Res. 504
Whereas, beginning on March 10, 2008, Tibetans and Tibetan Buddhist monks began demonstrations in Lhasa, the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region in the People's Republic of China;
Whereas those protests spread to elsewhere in the Tibet Autonomous Region and to Tibetan autonomous areas in the Sichuan, Gansu, and Qinghan provinces of China;
Whereas, long-suppressed resentment prompted violent clashes between demonstrators and government forces in the streets of Lhasa, resulting in innocent civilian casualties, the burning of buildings, and extensive property damage;
Whereas Chinese and Tibetan sources report dozens of fatalities, and the arrest of more than 1,000 protesters in the Tibet Autonomous Region and surrounding Tibetan areas of China;
Whereas Tibet is the center of Tibetan Buddhism and the Dalai Lama is the most revered figure in Tibetan Buddhism;
Whereas, the Government of China continues to restrict the rights of Tibetan Buddhists to practice their religion freely;
Whereas the Dalai Lama has condemned the violence that began on March 14, 2008, and announced his continuing support for the Olympic Games to be held in Beijing, China;
Whereas the Dalai Lama has specifically stated that he does not seek independence for Tibet from China and has called for negotiations to bring about meaningful autonomy for Tibet that allows Tibetans to maintain their distinctive identity within China;
Whereas the Constitution of the People's Republic of China guarantees freedom of religious belief for all citizens, but the 2007 Annual Report on International Religious Freedom of the Department of State states that ``[d]uring the period covered by this report, the Government [of China]'s respect for freedom of religion remained poor''; and
Whereas, following the demonstrations that began on March 10, 2008, the Government of China began severely restricting access to journalists and diplomats and creating a shortage of independent verification of the situation on the ground in Tibet: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the Senate--
(1) condemns the violence in Tibet and calls for restraint by the Government of the People's Republic of China and the people of Tibet;
(2) calls for a dialogue between the leadership of the Government of China and His Holiness the Dalai Lama on meaningful religious and cultural autonomy for Tibet within China and urges that these discussions take place with all deliberate speed;
(3) calls for the release of individuals who protested in a peaceful manner and for medical care for those injured and wounded in the violence that followed the protests;
(4) calls on the Government of China to cease its efforts to enter monasteries to ``reeducate'' monks and nuns, to respect the right of the people of Tibet to speak of the Dalai Lama and possess his photograph, and to respect and protect basic human rights, as provided in the Constitution of the People's Republic of China;
(5) calls on the Government of China to honor its commitment to allow international journalists free access to China from mid-2007 to October 17, 2008;
(6) calls on the Government of China to provide a full accounting of the March 2008 protests in Tibet, the response of the Government of China, and the manner and number of detentions and deaths that occurred following the protests; and
(7) both--
(A) calls on the United States Department of State to fully implement the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002 (22 U.S.C. 6901 note), including the stipulation that the Secretary of State
``seek to establish an office in Lhasa, Tibet to monitor political, economic, and cultural developments in Tibet'', and also to provide consular protection and citizen services in emergencies, and
(B) urges that the agreement to permit China to open further diplomatic missions in the United States should be contingent upon the establishment of a United States Government office in Lhasa, Tibet.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. Mr. President, at this time, I send a resolution to the desk. Perhaps, rather than do that, I should just speak about it and then introduce it separately.
This resolution is sent on behalf of Senator Gordon Smith of Oregon and myself. It is also cosponsored by the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, Senator Biden, as well as Senators Klobuchar, Brown, Cantwell, Dole, Obama, Snowe, Menendez, Voinovich, Schumer, Collins, and Byrd. It deals with Tibet.
It deals with what is happening in Tibet. This is a very difficult week because the day after tomorrow the Olympic torch is coming for the first time to my city, San Francisco, the only city in the United States that the torch will come to. It has created quite a stir.
This resolution condemns the violence in Tibet, and it calls for restraint by the Government of the People's Republic of China and the people of Tibet. It does other things as well; that is, to urge the Government of China to sit down with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and try to work toward meaningful autonomy with respect to the culture and religion of the people of Tibet.
There is an area called the Tibetan Autonomous Region. It has 3 million Tibetans. There are also 3 million Tibetans in the three surrounding provinces of China.
Starting on March 10, Tibetan monks and others began protesting in the autonomous area of western China. The protests were begun peacefully by monks who marched in their robes and were an expression of these religious people's desire to practice their religion freely and without Government interference.
The protesters took this action at great personal risk. Many monks and marchers carried pictures of the Dalai Lama, the most revered figure in Tibetan Buddhism. Possession of such a picture is punished in China, sometimes severely.
Unfortunately and tragically, on March 14, the protests in Lhasa, the capital of the Tibetan Autonomous Region, turned violent. Long-
suppressed animosity boiled over. Innocent people were killed in the violence. Homes and businesses were burned in what appears to have been a riot.
Over the days and weeks that followed, the protests spread. They occurred in 42 separate Chinese counties. Most were peaceful. In some cases, they were met, though, with brute force by Chinese police. This resolution condemns force on both sides. The Chinese Government responded to these protests with force and secrecy. The crackdown included thousands of paramilitary police and possibly the People's Liberation Army, who were sent to Tibet.
International journalists and official representatives were kept out, making accurate information difficult to obtain. But we know dozens of people or more have died. We know more than 1,000 people have been incarcerated.
Now, how did all this happen? Over the past decade, China has flooded the Tibetan Autonomous Region with Han Chinese. They have built a major railroad. Han Chinese have participated in a major building boom in the capital city of Lhasa. In fact, there are many more hotels and restaurants and businesses there today.
The majority of Tibetans who live in rural areas benefit very little from central government investment in this Tibetan economy. Instead, the money has flowed to government-run enterprises, in which Han control is dominant.
The Tibetans lack the skills to compete. According to the Chinese Government's 2000 census, the illiteracy rate of ethnic Tibetans in China is 48 percent; that is five times higher than the Chinese national illiteracy rate.
Instead of providing educational opportunity to Tibetans, China is currently advancing patriotic education in Tibet's monasteries. What this means is Chinese reeducation teams go into the monasteries and try to reeducate the Tibetan monks. If they do not agree to reeducation, they are often punished and often beaten. The bottom line is, few Tibetans are prepared to compete for employment and business opportunities in the Han-dominated economic environment.
I first went to China and was the first American mayor to do so in June of 1979. I went with a delegation of San Francisco businesspeople and civic activists to develop the first friendship city agreement between an American city and a Chinese city.
From that flowed an agreement which at one time was the most active sister city relationship in the world. That was between the great cities of Shanghai and San Francisco. The Chinese have always had a love of San Francisco; it goes back many decades into former centuries of Chinese coming to this country and landing in San Francisco first.
We developed that relationship and good things happened. The first Chinese Consulate came to San Francisco and an American Consulate was opened in Shanghai. The first COSCO ship came into San Francisco Bay. The first chartered air service landed at San Francisco International Airport. A special relationship was developed between Guangdong Province and San Francisco. The first Bank of China opened in this country and on and on and on with many interesting projects.
It turned out the mayor of Shanghai was, first, Wang Daohan and then Jiang Zemin. Jiang Zemin and I met over an ensuing 8-year period every year. He then went on to become Secretary General of the party and President of the country. In 1992, 1997, and 1998, I, personally, carried letters from the Dalai Lama to the President of China. In 1997 and 1998, I had long discussions with the President of China, President Jiang Zemin.
I would like, if I might, to read parts of these letters. The second letter is dated June 12, 1997. It is signed by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Let me read this to you:
When I met Chairman Mao over forty years ago, I felt very assured by him and the other leaders of the new China. The promises made to me gave the people and government of Tibet considerable optimism and confidence. In the mid-1950s, when we were confronted with new crises, it was Premier Zhou En Lai who was able to play a crucial role in restoring my confidence; we met several times during my pilgrimage in India. Unfortunately, the situation in Tibet did not improve despite his best assurances and I ultimately had to go into exile.
Despite lost time and opportunities and the turmoil of the recent past, my hopes were renewed in 1979 when Mr. Deng Xiaoping took the initiative to contact me through my brother in Hong Kong, assuring me that short of our demand for separation from the People's Republic of China, all problems could be discussed and resolved. It was a long overdue rapprochement, and within a few years were able to make considerable progress on several fronts.
Unfortunately, this initiative, started by Mr. Deng and vigorously carried out by Mr. Hu Yaobang, then Party General Secretary, came to a stuttering halt owing to events in Tibet and elsewhere in China that prevented its natural fruition.
Many of the issues are yet to be resolved, and Tibet now draws the concern of more than just the Tibetan people. The primary responsibility for resolving this matter lies with us, and I believe that now is an opportune moment to tackle these problems without prejudice. I have, for my part, openly and in confidence conveyed to you that I am not demanding independence for Tibet, which I believe is fundamental to the Chinese government.
I think the issue of Tibet has remained unresolved for too long and any further delay will only complicate the matter. I am also deeply concerned by the growing restlessness among the Tibetan people in recent times. I can fully understand their frustrations. But if a mutually agreeable solution is found, I am confident that I will be able to dispel the Tibetan people's concerns and win their support for my efforts.
It is signed, ``With my prayers, the Dalai Lama.''
I delivered this to Jiang Zemin, in China, on June 12, 1997. On May 16, 1998, the next year, I returned to China and I delivered another letter from His Holiness to Jiang Zemin. I would like to quote from that.
It is my fervent and sincere hope that you will provide similar leadership in resolving the Tibetan problem. If we look at the issue positively I really do not see major contradictions between our respective positions. If I understand correctly, the main concern of the Central leadership in China is the unity and stability of the nation. My middle-way approach for resolving the Tibetan issue will in fact contribute towards achieving the same objectives.
I would like to reiterate here that I am not seeking independence for Tibet. My main concern is for the six million Tibetan people (or whatever the actual figure is of people who consider themselves Tibetans) to be able to enjoy the opportunity to fully preserve their civilisation and the distinct Tibetan culture, religion, and language. I am convinced that this could be achieved through genuine autonomy or self-rule within the framework of the People's Republic of China. Such a situation will also make it possible for the Tibetan people to take full advantage of, and be an integral part of, the socio-economic development, which is taking place in China. It is needless to mention that a solution to the Tibetan problem will gain tremendous international respect for the People's Republic of China as well as for your leadership.
Mr. President, it has been four decades since I have had the opportunity to sit down personally with the leader of the Chinese people to have a frank and direct dialogue. With your leadership and initiative, I am confident that we can begin the process of resolving the many issues concerning Tibet. I believe that you are privileged to be leading the People's Republic of China at a unique time in history when it's economy is growing vigorously and when you are gaining a new respectability in the world.
It goes on.
May I suggest that at our meeting, you and I discuss relations between the Tibetans and the Chinese government. I am also concerned about the maintenance and enhancement of those cultural, civic, and religious institutions that are so important to the Tibetan people and others throughout the world. In addition, we should discuss the fact that economic growth in Tibet has not matched that of the rest of China, and we would be interested in talking about how we can work together towards poverty alleviation and educational and economic growth.
There are other parts to these letters. But I would ask that the full text be incorporated at this point in my remarks in the Record.
There being no objection, the material was ordered to be printed in the Record, as follows:
June 12, 1997.
Dear Mr. President: This letter comes to you through our mutual friends Mr. Richard Blum and Senator Dianne Feinstein. Unfortunately, it comes with a shared sense of deep concern, frustration, and great disappointment over the lack of any progress concerning the Tibetan situation.
When I met Chairman Mao over forty years ago, I felt very assured by him and the other leaders of the new China. The promises made to me gave the people and government of Tibet considerable optimism and confidence. In the mid-1950's, when we were confronted with new crises, it was Premier Zhou En Lai who was able to play a crucial role in reviving my confidence; we met several times during my pilgrimage in India. Unfortunately, the situation in Tibet did not improve despite his best assurances and I ultimately had to go into exile.
Despite lost time and opportunities and the turmoil of the recent past, my hopes were renewed in 1979 when Mr. Deng Xiaoping took the initiative to contact me through my brother in Hong Kong, assuring me that short of our demand for separation from the People's Republic of China, all problems could be discussed and resolved. It was a long overdue rapprochement, and within a few years were able to make considerable progress on several fronts.
Unfortunately, this initiative, started by Mr. Deng and vigorously carried out by Mr. Hu Yaobang, then Party General Secretary, came to a stuttering halt owing to events in Tibet and elsewhere in China that prevented its natural fruition.
Many of the issues are yet to be resolved, and Tibet now draws the concern of more than just the Tibetan people. The primary responsibility for resolving this matter lies with us, and I believe that now is an opportune moment to tackle these problems without prejudice. I have, for my part, openly and in confidence conveyed to you that I am not demanding independence for Tibet, which I believe is fundamental to the Chinese government.
I think the issue of Tibet has remained unresolved for too long and any further delay will only complicate the matter. I am also deeply concerned by the growing restlessness among the Tibetan people in recent times. I can fully understand their frustrations. But if a mutually agreeable solution is found, I am confident that I will be able to dispel the Tibetan people's concerns and win their support for my efforts .
I am sure there may be other issues on which clarifications may be needed from both sides in order to create the necessary congenial environment for formal negotiations. My assistants will continue to informally work with your people so that these issues can be clarified to a satisfactory conclusion candidly and in confidence.
With my prayers,The Dalai Lama.
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May 16, 1998.His Excellency Jiang Zemin,President of People's Republic of China,Beijing.
Dear President Jiang Zemin: I have been closely watching the developments in the People's Republic of China under your leadership and applaud you particularly for the leadership that you have provided both during the 15th Party Congress as well as the National People's Congress session early this year. Under your core leadership China is moving in the right direction and it is my sincere hope that this process will continue in the years to come. I also commend you for the smooth transfer of power in Hong Kong and more importantly for the way the affairs of Hong Kong are handled currently.
It is my fervent and sincere hope that you will provide a similar leadership in resolving the Tibetan problem. If we look at the issue positively I really do not see major contradictions between our respective positions. If I understand correctly, the main concern of the Central leadership in China is the unity and stability of the nation. My middle-way approach for resolving the Tibetan issue will in fact contribute towards achieving the same objectives.
I would like to reiterate here that I am not seeking independence for Tibet. My main concern is for the six million Tibetan people (or whatever the actual figure is of people who consider themselves Tibetans) to be able to enjoy the opportunity to fully preserve their civilization and the distinct Tibetan culture, religion, and language. I am convinced that this could be achieved through genuine autonomy or self-rule within the framework of the People's Republic of China. Such a situation will also make it possible for the Tibetan people to take full advantage of, and be an integral part of, the socio-economic development, which is taking place in China. It is needless to mention that a solution to the Tibetan problem will gain tremendous international respect for the People's Republic of China as well as for your leadership.
Mr. President, it has been 4 decades since I have had the opportunity to sit down personally with the leader of the Chinese people to have a frank and direct dialogue. With your leadership and initiative, I am confident that we can begin the process of resolving the many issues concerning Tibet. I believe that you are privileged to be leading the People's Republic of China at a unique time in history when its economy is growing vigorously and when you are gaining a new respectability in the world.
May I suggest that at our meeting, you and I discuss relations between the Tibetans and the Chinese government. I am also concerned about the maintenance and enhancement of those cultural, civic, and religious institutions that are so important to the Tibetan People and others throughout the world. In addition, we should discuss the fact that economic growth in Tibet has not matched that of the rest of China, and we would be interested in talking about how we can work together towards poverty alleviation and educational and economic growth.
I have been often told by our good friends Mr. Richard Blum and Senator Dianne Feinstein, and others, that a meeting between you and me could make important progress in a relatively short period of time on the aforementioned and other pertinent issues.
In this context, I would hope that it would be possible for you and me to be able to meet face to face some time in the near future. I look forward to your reply.
Sincerely,
The Dalai Lama.
Mrs. FEINSTEIN. This was 1998. It is now 10 years later. And no discussion. I have tried my level best but no discussion, no ability for the leader of 6 million people, part of China, to be able to sit down and discuss them.
So the events over the last month have been tragic. But if I think of the frustration that has built up over 40 years, of a leader who has renounced violence, who has proposed a middle way, it is shocking to me.
Since 2002, six sets of talks have occurred between the Dalai Lama's representative, namely his special envoy, Lodi Gyari, and the United Front Work Department of the Communist Party of China, but no progress has resulted.
Now, to bring this issue to a settlement, the leaders must be involved. I deeply believe it is in the interests of both the Chinese Government and the Tibetan people for the leaders to sit down and negotiate how to bring about meaningful cultural and religious autonomy for the Tibetan people and faith.
This is essentially what this resolution attempts to do in a constructive way. I know we called Senator Smith. I hoped he would be here. But the floor opened up and I decided to take the opportunity to speak briefly about our resolution. We have worked with the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, with other Senators as well. I believe this resolution sets forward in positive terms our concern about what is happening with Tibet and with China. I certainly remain open to trying to help in any way I possibly can to bring the two sides together. I know the frustration I feel, having tried 10 years ago, 11 years ago, 12 years ago, carrying letters from the Dalai Lama and then, in virtually every conversation I have had with Chinese leadership since; it has all come to naught.
What is happening is there is a newer, younger group of Tibetans who see the large Tibetan community in exile in Dharamsala who say the Dalai Lama, in pursuing this middle way, hasn't achieved anything, and therefore we have to take to the streets and we have to show that the Communists in China must sit down with us and must talk with us. I believe that is the scenario playing out in many provinces and all over the world today.
It can all be stopped by a different kind of scenario. That is one that recognizes that the Dalai Lama, a historic and well-respected religious leader, should be able to sit down with the leadership of China and discuss the problem and come up with a mechanism that can provide for the cultural and religious autonomy of the people both in the Tibetan autonomous area, as well as in the three surrounding provinces.
I hope this resolution will be heard, and I hope we will pass it shortly. If there is no objection, I send the resolution to the desk at this time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The resolution will be received and referred appropriately.
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